The article attempts to analyze state-building in Inner Mongolia on the example of Ningxia Province, where in April-September 1949 one of the last acts of the struggle for power between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China was played out, during which the creation of an independent Mongolian state was proclaimed.

The article describes the process of statehood development in Inner Mongolia after the elimination of Mengjiang and the political activities of the man whose name was associated with the Inner Mongolian independence movement for many years, De Wang (Demchig Dongrova). As president of first Mengjiang and then, in 1949, of the Alashap Republic, he tried to realize the Mongolian people's dream of independence, but in reality turned out to be only the executor of other people's plans. The article describes the statehood of Alashani, which in 1949 claimed leadership in the world of Mongolian-speaking peoples.

Keywords: Alashan Republic, De Wan, Mengjiang, autonomy, statehood.

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There are enough materials devoted to the study and description of the events that took place in the 1930s and 1940s in the provinces of the modern Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, but there are practically no works that study the process of state-building in Inner Mongolia in detail. However, in some works it is to some extent covered. First of all, these are the works of researchers of the Soviet era or published in the Soviet Union in the 1930s and 1990s: N. I. Vladinets [Vladinets, 1982], Wei Tzu-chu [Wei Tzu-chu, 1956], D. I. Goldberg [Goldberg, 1959], G. F. Zakharova [Zakharova, 1990], M. I. Sladkovsky [Modern History of China..., 1984], A.C. Titov [Titov, 1981]. Separately, we can mention the work of V. A. Bogoslovsky and A. A. Moskalev [Bogoslovsky and Moskalev, 1984], which reveals the prerequisites, conditions and events of the national and territorial transformation of China, including Inner Mongolia and Ningxia. The authors describe in detail the events of the beginning of 1900-x-1949 in the context of state building in Inner Mongolia, the activities of De Wang, other Mongolian princes and political figures of the era, etc. Among the modern publications dealing with the process of autonomy of the Mongolian lands, we should mention the book " History of Mongolia. XX century" [History of Mongolia..., 2007], which describes fragmentary events of the early-mid-1930s in Inner Mongolia.

Among the works of foreign authors, the works of Western (mainly British and American) specialists stand out: W. Beasley [Beasley, 1987], J. Boyd [Boyd, 2008], P. Coble [Coble, 1991], Xiaoting Lin [Lin, 2007, Lin, 2010, Lin, 2011], Xiaoyuan Liu [Liu, 2002], S. K. M. Payne [Paine, 2012], C. Pettibone [Pettibone, 2012], J. Tighe [Tighe, 2005], J. Friters [Friters, 1951], M. Elliott [Elliott, 2000]. They mainly focus on political, historical and ethnic components, while Brook and Wakabayashi (2000) study events in Inner Mongolia from an economic perspective, taking into account the well-organized and virtually legal semi-state opium market in this territory.

The historiography of Mongolia and China is richer and more informative due to objective circumstances: the availability and publication of archival documents, most of which were originally compiled in Chinese or Old Mongolian, which provided access to them mainly for Mongolian and Chinese scholars. Among them, we can mention the works of such authors as Ts. Batbayar [Batbayar, 2002], Wang Duo [Wang Duo, 1992], Hao Weimin [Hao Weimin, 1991], Chao Lumen [Chao Lumen, 1992], Cheng Huisheng and Cheng Chao [Cheng Huisheng, Cheng Chao, 1999]. Special attention should be paid to D. Zorigt's work "De Van" (2011), where the author, using a significant amount of archival data, media materials and other sources, describes not only the life of the Mongolian leader, but also tells about the objective factors that contributed to the success and support of both state-building campaigns (in Chakhar in the early 1930s).In addition, it is worth mentioning perhaps the only available publication on the political history of Alashani in the first half of the 20th century (since 1912) - "Past of Alashani (edition in three volumes)" [Past of Alashani..., 2007].

The source base of the study was:

1) materials of the US mass media (The Times magazine, the national newspapers of the USA "New York Times", "Washington Post", "Chicago Daily Tribune", "Christian Science Monitor" , as well as small New York publications: "Poughkeepsie Eagle News", "Scanecteti Gazet", "The Eilbany Evening News, Utica Daily Press), Europe (the British Manchester Guardian), Asia (the Singapore Straits Times and the Japanese Asahi Shimbun), and Australia (the Cairns Post, Kalgoorlie Miner, Advertiser, and Canberra Times, Central Queensland Herald);

2) works and memoirs of the participants of the events described - De Wang himself, Setsen Zahchid (in Chinese and English), Ulanghu, He Zhaolin, Tao Busin;

3) published archival materials that reproduce a significant number of documents from the period under study: "Military affairs of Jingbian County. Collection of documents" [Military Affairs..., 2009].

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I

Alashan is an administrative unit-aimag in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. The administrative center is the city of Bayan-Khoto. Most of Alashani is made up of the eponymous desert (93% of the entire territory), in the north of the aimag, a significant territory is occupied by the Gobi Desert. Alashan is a border region bordering Mongolia to the north, bordering Gansu Province and Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region to the west and south, and two Inner Mongolia urban districts: Wuhai and Ordos to the east. The population is small and totals just over 200 thousand people, of which the Mongols make up 22%, the Han-72%, the rest of the population is Hui, Manchus, etc. The aimag of Alashan consists of three khoshuns: Alashan-Tsoqi, Alashan-Yuqi and Edzin. The first two Khoshun became the core of the Western Mongolian Autonomous Region, or Alashan Republic, in 1949.

By the beginning of the 20th century, the system of banners 1 in the administration of affairs of the Mongolian lands was still preserved, with the simultaneous existence of governors as representatives of the central government. Inner Mongolia and a number of other lands with a Mongolian population had an old administrative and administrative structure even after the Xinhai Revolution and the proclamation of China as a republic. The Qing administration and the republican authorities set their main task to strengthen the controllability of controlled territories [Boyd, 2008, p. 19]. At the same time, the older Mongol governing structures, dominated by numerous Genghisid princes, retained their influence.

In 1907, the Qing government created three provinces: Heilongjiang, Jilin, and Fengyang (now Liaoning) in the Manchu homeland [Elliott, 2000, pp. 603-646]. Later, they became the core of the pro-Japanese Manchukuo. One of the goals that the Chinese authorities pursued was not only to improve the management of remote areas, but also to confront Russia in the Far East. In 1914, a new administrative reform followed, dividing the Mongol territory into four administrative regions, three of which included Inner Mongolia itself: Suiyuan, Chahar, and Zhehe. In 1928, these districts received the status of provinces (Friters, 1951, p. 199). The creation of provinces was aimed at even greater integration of Mongolian territories into the Han space and more intensive assimilation of the local population (Wulanshaobu, 1987, p. 220). Ningxia also received the status of a province (Bogoslovsky and Moskalev, 1984, p. 33), when it first became an independent administrative unit.

In early—mid-1933, the Mongol princes led by De Wang attempted to create their own state education. The heads of Chakhar and Ulan-Tsab aimags, who were later joined by the authorities of Shilin-Gol and Ihju aimags, after two congresses of the Mongolian aristocracy in July and September of the same year, first declared autonomy, and then full independence [Jagchid, 1999, p.68]. The leaders of the autonomous region immediately suggested revising the territorial structure of the controlled lands [Tighe, 2005, p. 229]. De Wang proposed to abolish the former provinces (Chahar and Suiyuan) and transfer the issue of administrative-territorial structure to the autonomous government structures [Jagchid, 1999, p. 83]. Such a radical redrawing of the organization of power in favor of the Mongolian aristocracy immediately provoked protests in official Nanjing (Tighe, 2005).,

1 This refers to the system of administration of the Mongol lands, which within the borders of the Qing Empire was organized according to the system of administrative and military administration that existed among the Manchus themselves, which the authorities of the Alashan Republic sought to preserve. The ce was based on a military unit-the banner, or hishun. At the head of the banner (hoshun) there was a dzasak, a sovereign prince appointed by the Manchu emperor from among the family aristocracy, who concentrated administrative and military administration in his hands under the command of a military governor.

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p. 230]. In addition, Japanese diplomats in China openly expressed their hope that De Wang would soon declare the independence of Inner Mongolia, including Chahar, Northern Suiyuan, and parts of Ningxia [Japanese Seeking..., 1936, p. 14], and expand their influence: in July 1936, Japanese specialists began laying the foundation of a new map of Inner Mongolia. A 2000-mile radio link to the western borders of Manchukuo [Japs Startle Peiping..., 1936, p. 10; Japanese Tanks..., 1936, p. 1], and in September 1936, Japan established a military mission in Alashani [Japan Marches on / / Albany Evening News, 1936, p. 7; Japan Marches on / / Utica Daily Press, 1936, p. 2].

In the same year, 1934, and then in 1936, as the leader of radical autonomists, De Wang expressed claims to the territory of Ningxia [Soviet and Japan Increasing Force..., 1936, p. 7]. In 1935, Mao Zedong made a claim to Inner Mongolia in one of his speeches [Ulankhu, 1989, p. 254], and it was about the unification of the Mongolian lands of Chahara, Suiyuan and Ningxia. The foreign press recognized the rather strong influence of the Chinese Communists in Ningxia [Chinese Red Gains Trouble Japanese..., 1939, p. 9]. Later, on June 15, 1949, after the capture of Beijing, Mao voiced the need to unite Eastern and Western Mongolia together with the possibility of creating a federal state in China [Ulanghu, 1989, p. 254]; this idea was discussed in the press immediately after the end of World War II [A Federal China?, 1945, p. 16].

After the Xi'an incident in December 1936 and the brief arrest of Chiang Kai-shek in the spring of 1937, the situation seemed to stabilize, but on July 7, 1937, the so - called Marco Polo Bridge incident near Beijing occurred-the Second Sino-Japanese War began. With the sudden start of full-scale military operations, the Kwantung Army captured first Chakhar and then Suiyuan in a matter of months, establishing control over almost the entire Inner Mongolia [Dudin, 2013, p. 112]. Only the Mongol lands of Ningxia Province remained in the hands of the Chinese authorities [Boyd, 2008, p. 223], the southern regions of which also did not escape the threat of Japanese invasion [Chinese Report Foe Halted in Suiyuan..., 1940, p.6].

In the 1920s and 1930s, Alashan, which was part of Ningxia Province, did not play any significant role in domestic political events in China, acting as an object of claims of certain political forces that were unable to establish direct control over it, and the real power was in the hands of the local elite. Events in neighboring Inner Mongolia (the attempt to achieve first autonomy and then independence, the invasion of Japanese troops) did not affect the political situation in Alashan, although they indirectly helped the governor of Ningxia, Ma Hongkui 2, to consolidate his power and influence, thus separating Ningxia from other regions of China.

II

The process of further state-building in Inner Mongolia resulted in the creation of the autonomous state of Mengjiang. In August 1945, this political entity ceased to exist, and its leader, Te Wang, was placed under arrest and remained in Beijing until 1949, when the hopeless situation of the Kuomintang again forced to turn their eyes to the Mongolian princes, who were supposed to be used in negotiations with the communist forces of Inner Mongolia [Cease Fire Called for..., 1949, p. 1; War in China..., 1949, p. 5].

By the end of World War II, the territory of Inner Mongolia was administratively under the rule of three political forces: the land to the east of

2 Ma Hongkui-Chinese military and political figure, governor of Ningxia Province in 1932-1949. In 1949, he fled to Taiwan, then to the United States.

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Khingan, including Hulunbuir and Zhehe, became part of Manchukuo in 1932; Chahar, Shilin-Gol, and East Ulan-Tsab were ruled by De Wang until August 1945, when the Soviet Union declared war on Japan and Soviet and MNR troops occupied the lands of Mengjiang [Lin, 2007, p. 33]. The western lands of Ordos and Alashani, which were part of Ningxia Province, remained under the rule of the Kuomintang [Political Divisions in China..., 1936, p. 8], and although after the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war, this territory became of interest to the Japanese [A New State..., 1937, p. 12], nevertheless However, the central government's power was felt quite clearly here: Nanking regularly sent its emissaries for inspections [Nanking Minister's Tour of Inner Mongolia..., 1937, p. 11].

Thus, at the initial stage of the struggle for independence of the princes of Inner Mongolia in the 1930s, a new structure - the Political Council of the Mongolian Autonomy Movement [Mongolian Autonomy Movement..., 1934] - was created as a result of the visit of Huang Shaohong, an authorized representative of the Nanjing government. Not unreasonably fearing that Inner Mongolia would side with Japan, Huang Shaohong promised the initiators of the declaration of autonomy that they would be able to create self-government bodies, open a direct line of communication with Nanjing [Lin, 2010, p. 43], and collect taxes [Autonomy Granted to Inner Mongolians..., 1934, p. E8].

In Alashani, the situation was somewhat different: on the one hand - the governor, on the other - the local princes. At the same time, local authorities were formally subordinate to the central government in Nanjing, but in practice they were full owners of their territories, claiming to expand the sphere of influence, including at the expense of neighboring regions [The Future of China..., 1934, p. 11]. There was an exchange of telegrams between the authorities of Ningxia and Nanjing, which gave the appearance of coordination between local officials. In fact, the governor did not actually depend on the political center. This is confirmed by the independence of the actions taken by the governor of Ningxia, Ma Hongkui, during the military confrontation with the local aristocracy in 1936-1938. [Jingbian County Military Affairs, 2009] When the princes ' attempt to maintain control of the province through military force failed, Ah Ma Hongkui managed to weaken the local elite and strengthen his personal position. In addition, the de facto independent provinces also sought the support of the USSR [Moise, 1986, pp. 87-89], since the Kuomintang was initially unable to resist Japanese penetration into the interior of the country.

In turn, the Western press (the Washington Post [Mongol Rule Forming under Reds..., 1946, p. 2] and the Chicago Daily Tribune [Russians Set up Red Republic in Inner Mongolia..., 1946, p. 6]) states that by the end of the war, the Soviet Union was hatching plans to include these lands are included in the sphere of their own influence.

In 1946-1947. the eastern lands of Inner Mongolia declared autonomy [Local Autonomy Movements..., 1946, p. 11; Mongolian Affairs..., 1946, p. 17; Political Riot in China..., 1946, p. 4] and under the influence of the Soviet Union [Secret Yalta..., 1946, p. 1] began to form a federal state where communist ideology dominated, including the ideas of class struggle and collectivization and the struggle against religious institutions and institutions (Chao Liumeng, 1992).

In the autumn of 1948, the People's Liberation Army of China occupied Liaoning Province, in late December Tianjin was taken, and a campaign against Beijing was planned. In this regard, in January 1949 De Wang took a special plane to Nanjing. Having decided to take advantage of the Kuomintang's position, he once again hoped to create autonomy. However, this time, his eyes were fixed on Western Mongolia. The idea was approved by the new head of state Li Zongren and a number of government members, including the head of the Committee on Mongolia and Tibet Affairs, Bai Yunti.

On January 26, 1949, the Kuomintang government sent a special plane to take De Wang to Alashan. After staying in Lanzhou for about two months, Te Wang

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He turned to a number of influential military and political figures for help: Zhang Zhizhong, Ma Hongkui, Ma Hongbin, Bao Erhan, Tao Zhiyue. Te Wang also enlisted the help of Dali Zhai, one of the most respected Mongol aristocrats, with whom he came to an agreement on the need to convene a congress of Mongol representatives, which was soon to be held in Dingguan, the administrative center of Ningxia, modern Bayan-Hoto.

After completing all the necessary preparations, De Wang, with the participation of Bai Yunti, held a meeting in Yinchuan, where he outlined the main priorities for the creation of the Western Mongolian Autonomy. De Wang, Bai Haifeng, Ba Wengzhun, Lin Qinseng and others agreed on a common position on this issue, and after agreeing to join the autonomy movement, they gave Zhai permission to implement the plan. In early April 1949, the last attempt was made to achieve the relative independence of the people of Inner Mongolia, which was the result of the plans of the Kuomintang authorities, who fought for power in the country and the attempts of the Mongolian aristocracy to resist the Communists.

III

On April 13, 1949, the congress of the Mongolian aristocracy opened in Dingguan, which was attended by a wide range of representatives of the Mongolian lands [Zorigt, 2011, p.222]. The scale of the meeting indicated serious claims on the part of the organizers to a dominant position among the Mongolian-speaking peoples. The kurultai system of legitimization was preserved-through the assembly of the highest tribal and landed aristocracy. After three days of discussion, the Congress decided to set up a commission to prepare for the proclamation of Western Mongolian Autonomy.

Altan Ochir [Newest Biographies..., 1941], one of the prominent political figures of Mengjiang, Deputy chairman of the Ihju aimag, was elected Chairman of the congress, who died almost immediately after the congress began - on April 16. His place was taken by De Wang [Dogurzhav, p. 782]. The leadership of the congress included Damulin Wangchuk, Bai Haifeng, Ba Wengzhun and seven other people. He Zhaoling was given the post of general secretary, and Setsen Zahchid - his deputy.

As part of the work of the Commission to prepare for the proclamation of Mongolian Autonomy, He Zhaolin and Ba Wengzhun developed a draft Constitutional Act and a number of other documents, after which a delegation was sent to Guangzhou in May to inform the Kuomintang government of the decision, as well as to seek political and financial support. The delegation was headed by Dae Wang and included Lin Qinseng, Dae Wang's secretary Kim Batudorji, and Zhao Huichuan.

In Guangzhou, De Wang submitted a petition for autonomy to the new chairman of the Executive Yuan of China, Yan Xishan, and formed a group of supporters that included Wu Heilin, De Gulai, Wuxi Xian Wangchuk, and Li Shouxin.3
The Kuomintang government viewed the autonomous movement in Alashani as a tool to counter the Communist advance, and in this connection, on behalf of Li

3 Wu Heilin member of the Political Council of the Mongolian Autonomous Region, Deputy General Secretary of the Military Government in 1936-1937, Chairman of the Senate in 1937-1939 and 1940-1941, Chairman of the State Administrative Council in 1941-1944, Minister of Aimag Affairs, head of the Mengjiang Academy of Sciences, one of the ideologists of the proclamation of Western Mongolian Autonomy; De Gulai and Wuxi Xian Wangchuk Mongolian political figures who joined De Wang after approving the idea of creating Western Mongolian Autonomy in April 1949; Li Shouxin, a Chinese and Mongolian military and political figure. Having gone over to the Japanese side, he assisted them in moving deeper into Inner Mongolia. In 1936-1937 - Deputy General Secretary and Chief of Staff of the Military Government, in 1939-1940-Chairman of the Senate, in 1938-1939 and 1941-1945-Vice President, in 1944-1945-Minister of War of Mengjiang, with the proclamation of the Alashan Republic in the government of De Wang-Minister of Defense (August-October 1949). De Wang fled to the MNR, but was extradited to the Chinese authorities, convicted, and held in prison until 1964. after which he was released and worked at the museum.

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According to the report, Zhu Jiahua, Vice Premier of the Chinese government, ordered 10,000 yuan in silver, 200 rifles, 4 machine guns and 50 pistols to be allocated to the delegates.

Upon his return to Alashan, Te Wang began preparations for the convening of the Mongolian People's Congress and the declaration of autonomy. At the final meeting of the Commission for the Preparation for the Proclamation of Western Mongolian Autonomy, 175 delegates from all over Inner Mongolia were identified. On July 26, 1949, Ma Hongkui congratulated the leaders of the Commission on their successful preparations for the Congress. The Congress was decided to be held in the building of Dingguan High School, and it began work on August 5, 1949. On August 8, the Congress elected De Wang head of the autonomous government-President of the Western Mongolian Alashan Republic, Dali Zhai-vice-president, Wu Helin - Speaker of parliament, Cheng Nasunbat-vice-speaker. Following this, Dae Wan set about forming governing bodies. His supporters were appointed: Dali Zhai-Chairman of the Public Order Protection Committee, Bai Haifeng - his deputy and Minister of Industry and Trade, Li Shouxin - Minister of Defense, Chang Qingingchen-Chief of Staff, Li Wengching-his deputy, Lin Qinseng-Minister of Education, He Zhaolin - Minister of Internal Affairs, Ba Wengzhun -Minister of Internal Affairs. Xi Zhixiang, De Gulai, Damulin Wangchuk, and Wuxi Xian Wangchuk were also appointed as the head of the Chancellery (General Secretary), Tao Busing as his deputy and Parliamentary Secretary, and Xi Zhixiang, De Gulai, Damulin Wangchuk, and Wuxi Xian Wangchuk also became members of the Government. Zhang Yuanxin was appointed head of the Alashan Banner Control Department, and Li Shude was appointed an adviser to the government. The flag of the new state was adopted, which basically reproduced the flag of Mengjiang in 1937-1939: on the blue field in the upper left corner (1/4 of the field) there were three horizontal stripes: red, yellow and white.

At this time, the balance of political forces around Dae Wan changed significantly. In the summer of 1949, the Kuomintang government decided to appoint Ma Hongkui as governor of the neighboring province of Gansu, and at the end of August, Ma Hongkui himself fled with his mistress to Taiwan. De Wang was left alone in the face of the Communist threat and without intermediaries in dealing with the Kuomintang.

The situation was complicated by the success of the People's Liberation Army of China. On September 5, it occupied Xining, the administrative center of Qinghai Province [History of Qinghai..., 1999, p. 637-649], where the people's government was formed in December [Cheng Huisheng, Cheng Chao, 1999, p.383-452]. By mid-September, Peng Dehuai's army occupied Lanzhou. On September 10, Guyuan (Ningxia-Hui County) fell under the onslaught of the People's Liberation Army, thus opening the passage to Ningxia, Tongxin surrendered on September 11, Zhongning surrendered on September 15, Qintong surrendered on September 16, Jinji surrendered on September 17, and Yinchuan was captured by the Communists on the night of September 19. On the same day, there was an uprising in the neighboring province of Suiyuan, and it also came under the rule of the Communists [Peaceful uprising in Suiyuan..., 1986].

Due to such a rapid development of events, which the members of the autonomous government could no longer influence, the prospects for the future existence of the self-proclaimed republic and its leadership were discussed and planned among them. Te Wang made a proposal to leave via Qinghai to India. In return, Bai Haifeng offered to stay and wait for the situation to develop. He was supported by Dali Zhaya, Ba Wengzhun, and He Zhaolin. A common position could not be reached, and as a result, on September 20, Te Wang, together with the state seal, accompanied by Tumen Delgar, Amu Batur and other supporters, left Dingguan, accompanied by 80 military personnel and 70 camels loaded with food, tents and other utensils. Later, in February 1950. De Wang was arrested on the territory of the MNR, and many of his supporters were dismissed from the military and civil service and were long persecuted by the new authorities [Tao Busing].

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De Wang's escape was perceived as a defeat, the end of autonomy, although a significant part of the administrative apparatus remained in place and continued to work [He Zhaolin]. On September 23, on behalf of the residents of Alashani, the Yinchuan authorities sent representatives to welcome the People's Liberation Army, which finally took control of Ningxia. At the residence of the head of the Western Mongolian Autonomous Region, the winners were met by Dali Zhai and He Zhaolin. Dali Zhai immediately expressed support for the People's Liberation Army, defecting to the Chinese Communist Party [Historical Archive..., 1993].

By the beginning of October, the transition of power to new political players was completed. On October 1, 1949, the presidential powers were finally transferred to the hands of Dali Zhai (as vice-president during the presidency of De Wang), who became the new head of Western Mongolia. Ba Wengzhun was appointed General Secretary, Cheng Baofeng was appointed Deputy Secretary, Xu Shizhai was appointed Adviser, He Zhaolin was appointed Minister of the Interior, Li Shude was appointed Adviser, Moon Tai was appointed Chief of Staff, Tsyden Bat was appointed Minister of Education, Bao Zhengshan was appointed Adviser, Urugeng Dalai was appointed Minister of Finance, Wu Rugen was appointed Minister of Industry. and trade - Bai Haifeng, Minister of Defense and Chief of Staff-Cheng Gongjaw, his deputy-Li Wengqing, Speaker of Parliament-Cheng Nasunbat.

Immediately afterwards, a meeting was held in Yinchuan, where Bai Haifeng, He Zhaolin, Li Wengqing, Duan Batur, Qi Tao, and others formally approved the entry of the 19th Army under Yang Dezhi into Alashan territory. A number of the most important issues were discussed. He Zhaoling made a proposal to keep the autonomous status of the territory of Alashani, but Yang Dezhi replied that this issue should be decided by the central government.

Dali Zhai, He Zhaoling, and Bai Haifeng offered to arrange a meeting in Lanzhou with Peng Dehuai to work out the organization of their visit to Beijing and a meeting with Prime Minister Zhou Enlai to discuss the procedure for the peaceful transfer of power in Alashani and the possibility of obtaining autonomy. On October 5, He Zhaolin arrived in Lanzhou and met with Peng Dehuai, outlining his proposals, but he did not support them, and therefore on December 20, He Zhaolin and Bai Haifeng flew to Beijing, but the idea of autonomy for the Alashan lands did not find support among government circles. The history of Mongolian autonomy is over.

In 1956, the province of Zhehe was added to the territory of Inner Mongolia [Hao Weiming..., 1991, pp. 84-85, 132-135]. Thus, the history of the unification of the Mongol lands in China was completed [History of the Mongols in China..., 2001]. The Mongols, after a long period of fragmentation and disunity, were consolidated within the Autonomous region of the People's Republic of China.

* * *

The idea of creating a Western Mongolian Autonomous State, although it met the aspirations of the provinces inhabited by Mongols, but in the current post-war political situation had no hope of implementation - the Communists considered Ningxia as part of the territory of China.

The Kuomintang, on the other hand, clung to the remnants of power, using any means and means to oppose the People's Liberation Army of China, and therefore the fate of the Mongolian people was of least interest to it. By providing the necessary resources for the declaration of independence, the old government pursued the goal of maintaining control over the northern territories. The initiators of autonomy did not have a serious social support and support among the local population.

However, the attempt to build a state in Alashani itself did not remain useless. Further territorial changes took into account the gender-

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The experience gained did not "erase" these lands from the modern administrative and political map of China, although a small part of them was transferred to a separate, Ningxia-Hui Autonomous Region. The territory of Alashani itself in relation to the Alashan Republic, as well as Shilin-Gol in relation to Chakhar, was preserved and received the status of an aimag, consolidating the national structure of territorial administration.

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