The article is devoted to the status of Alevis and their place in the public life of Turkey. Special attention is paid to the official position of the authorities regarding the cultural, religious and social phenomenon of Alevism. The article is based mainly on the works of Turkish authors, both defending the positions of Alevism and, on the contrary, supporting the official policy of the authorities.

Keywords: > Turkey, Alevism, Alevites, Shiism, Kyzylbashi.

Alevism in modern Turkey is increasingly moving beyond religion and ideology, becoming not only a social doctrine, but also an instrument of social struggle. The topic of Alevism is becoming increasingly prominent in the works of sociologists, politicians and religious figures.

The problem of Alevis (Kyzylbash) in Turkey has always been politicized. Similarly, today Islamists and radical "leftist" circles either view Alevism outside of Islam and try to oppose it to Islam, or, what is happening more often, attempt to assimilate Alevism and draw it into the "course of the Sunni-Hanafi doctrine". Thus, the Alevite issue is still more a sphere of conflict of interests of various ideological groups and trends, rather than a subject of scientific study [Averyanov, 2011, p. 81].

The facts of oppression of Alevis in the Ottoman Empire are widely known. Thus, in the documents of the XVI century, the Kyzylbashi appear as "religious and political criminals" (Gordlevsky, 1962, p. 203). The Kyzylbashi were accused of evading prayer, of holding nightly prayers, during which the "holy sin" was committed, of robberies and violence [Gordlevsky, 1962, p. 203]. The Ottoman authorities assessed the Alevis as a source of threat. Therefore, the Alevis of Anatolia initially supported the revolutionary movement led by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. For their leaders, his goal was very attractive-to abolish the monarchy and caliphate, which represented the interests of orthodox Islam. The Alevis greeted the proclamation of the republic with enthusiasm. The reforms undertaken in the first years of the Republican government and the declared course towards secularism could not but please the Alevis. Thus, the Turkish historian Necdet Sarac in his work " Political History of the Alevis. 1300-1971 " says that the Alevis warmly supported the republic, and cites the words of Postnishin1 Alevites Veliyettin Celebi Efendi, who called on Alevites to support the republic: "Mustafa Kemal is a man who frees us from slavery, a great man "[Sarac, 2011, p. 216].

However, the situation soon became more complicated. On November 30, 1925, the Parliament passed Law No. 677, published in the Resmi Gazete on December 13, 1925. This law required the partial closure of places of worship such as tekke2, zawiye3, turbe4 and others, and the abolition of religious titles such as Sheikh5 or Sayyid6 (677 Sayili Tekke ve Zaviyelerle Türbelerin Seddine Ve Türbedarhklar Ile Bir Takim Unvanlarin Men ve Ilgasina Dair Kanun).. The law did not affect the Sunni population of the country, but hit the Alevis. The situation worsened even further

Postnishin 1 means "sitting on the skin"in Farsi. Leader of the Alsvit community.

Tekke -2 Sufi monastery.

Zawiyeh is the same as Tekke. Sufi monastery.

Turbe -4 saint's tomb-velm.

Sheikh (shaykh) -5 head of the Sufi brotherhood, abbot of the monastery.

Sayyid 6 (sayyid, sayd) is a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad (through his daughter Fatima and grandson Husayn).

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and the fact that the Sunni culture that prevailed in the cities led to the gradual alienation of believers from "popular Islam" and the assimilation of Alevism.

It is worth noting that in Western Oriental studies there is a tradition of contrasting " popular "Islam with" classical " Islam. Thus, the well-known model of Muslim society proposed by the English philosopher and social anthropologist E. A. Gellner is a radical version of this dichotomy. The history of the Muslim world, according to this model, consisted of periods during which "high Islam" and "popular Islam" succeeded each other until "modernization began to destroy the social foundations of popular Islam and lead to an irreversible shift towards urban reform of Islam based on Scripture..." [Bruinessen, 2008, p. 128].

Especially intensive migration of the rural population to the cities was observed in the 1960s. As a result of the migration wave and new socio-economic conditions in Turkey, the institutions of Alevism have practically ceased to exist. Alevi youth, who grew up in Turkish cities and Europe, began to resort to other sources of knowledge than the culture and traditions of Alevism. Alevis were poorly represented in State institutions. Religious norms and the education system were formed to meet the needs of the exclusively Sunni population. Alevis began to be influenced by other religious views and deviate from their own traditions.

The 1960s and 1990s were characterized by urbanization and assimilation of Alevis. There were also some conflicts. Relations between Sunnis and Alevis during this period were marred by a number of bloody events, the most high - profile of which were the pogroms in Marash (1978) and Chorum (1980). As a result of these pogroms, hundreds of Alevis were killed or forced to flee. On July 2, 1993, one of the most violent pogroms was committed in Sivas, which ended with the arson of the Madymak Hotel and the death of 37 people.

It is noteworthy that until the 1980s there was a clear trend that Alevism was perceived as an oppositional political tradition, but not a cultural one. The situation changed in the 1980s as a result of the strong pressure that left-wing movements were subjected to, and as a response to the dogmas of Sunni Islam propagated by the state. Since political associations were banned, Alevis began to form cultural societies, emphasizing the cultural rather than the religious aspect of their activities. This contributed to the revival and spread of the Alevi ritual and ritualism [Bruinessen, 2008, pp. 135-136].

In particular, since the 1990s, Turkey and Western Europe have been hosting free saze7 courses, Alevite radiations-samahs, concerts where songs in the Alevite tradition were performed, and exhibitions dedicated to Alevite themes. It should be noted that all events were open - everyone was allowed to attend them, even those who were not Alevi. This contributed to the acquaintance with Alevism. Alevite children who lived in large cities and moved away from their roots began to re-learn their culture.

The 1990s were marked by a dramatic rise in Alevi communities. They tried to stand out from the general mass of the population, declare themselves as an independent community, different from others, and made efforts to popularize their past.

This has led to the emergence of three types of organizations in both Europe and Turkey: associations, foundations, and jam-evies8 Since the operating conditions for foundations were more attractive than those for associations, and it was more difficult to close a foundation, some associations decided to eventually become foundations. The most famous-

Saz-7 stringed musical instrument.

Jem Evi is a very special place for radsni in Alevi communities.

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ные алевитские фонды: С.Е.М. Vakfi, Кагаса Ahmet Vakfi, Sahkulu Sultan Vakfi, Haci Bektas Veli Anadolu Kültür Vakfi, Gazi Cemevi Vakfi. Recently, there has been a tendency to combine foundations and associations in order to organize federations. Вслед за Alevi Bektasi Federasyonu была основана Alevi Vakiftari Federasyonu [Yaman, Erdemir, 2006, s. 173].

Today, Alevis are active in Turkey through their foundations. The Government's attitude to this activity can be traced back to the statements and statements made by representatives of the ruling party and government members, as well as representatives of the Religious Affairs Department.

In modern Turkey, the question of the relationship between secularism and religion in the life of the country is extremely relevant. One of the most important issues put on the agenda by the current Prime Minister R. T. Erdogan is: what is Islam in Turkey-the form of Turkish culture or the content of this culture? Long years of secularism in domestic politics have had a powerful impact on Islam in Turkey, and it can be described as a special synthesis of secular and religious values.

Ever since Erdogan's party won the 2001 elections and came to power with 2/3 of the seats in the Mejlis, it has been constantly trying to strike a balance between Islam and secularism. Sherif Mardin, a Turkish political scientist, sociologist and historian, points out the inconsistency of Erdogan's course and his alternating attraction to Islam and secularism [Mardin, 2011, p. 93-94]. Since 2005, the answer to the question of what role Erdogan assigns to Islam in Turkey is still unclear, as well as the meaning that he puts in the concept of democracy.

The Department of Religious Affairs recognizes the existence of various forms of Islam in Turkey and states its attitude to this as follows: "Although most of the Turkish population is Muslim, Islam is not a monolithic structure here. The current perception and practice of Islam varies from mystical and popular Islam to conservative and more moderate. The Office of Religious Affairs recognizes this diversity and promotes a moderate, tolerant and inclusive perception of the Muslim religion" [Bardakoglu, 2009, p.33]. It claims that it has a policy of spreading true knowledge about Islam among Muslims, but at the same time it does not deny that people have their own preferences, inclinations and views. The Department seeks to involve in its activities all people who consider themselves Muslims, regardless of whether a person attends a mosque or not [Bardakoglu, 2009, p.57]. It indicates that the Alevis ' perception of religious dogmas is not Islamic, emphasizing that there has been a variety of interpretations throughout history [Bardakoglu, 2009, p. 112].

Diversification within Alevi society is based on the perception and interpretation of Islam, as well as on religious practices. There are cases that even in neighboring Alevi villages, the methods of religious worship differ. Along with the religious factor, there is also an ethnic factor: Alevis-Turks and Alevis-Kurds. Cultural and geographical factors play an important role in the issue of self-identification and self-expression.

The problem of self-awareness and self - identification is one of the most important ones facing Alevis today. According to the Turkish scholar Faruk Biliji, there are four groups of Alevis. The first group, which was formed in the course of industrialization, urbanization and general modernization in Turkey, he calls "materialistic". The second group, which is quite numerous, he sees in the followers of Islamic mysticism. In the third group, Biliji refers to traditionalists - adherents of the Jaferite wing of Shiite Islam9. Finally, it highlights the fourth group

Jafarites 9 (Jafarites, al-Ja'fariya) — followers of the Jafarite (Imamite) religious and legal school, named after the 6th Imam of the Shiites-Imamites Ja'far al-Sadiq (d. 765).

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Alevism, calling it "new" and describing it "as Shi'i-inclined Alevism" (Bilici, 2006, p. 350).

Farouk Biliji defines the first group of Alevis as a populist movement with an ideology of support for the oppressed and therefore considers it an element of class struggle. This group became much more active after the 1980 military coup in Turkey and the collapse of the Soviet Union. The banner of the movement was the historical figure Pir Sultan Abdala 10. Hikmet Yildirim, General Director of the Pir Sultan Abdala Association, defines this type of Alevism as follows: "It is a movement that always takes the side of the oppressors and oppressed in the struggle. Alevism is not located entirely within, but neither is it located outside, the Islamic religion." by: Bilici, 2006, p. 350-351].

The views of the second group are based on the basic concepts of Islamic mysticism and heterodoxy, the facets of which are still not clearly defined. The main thesis put forward by this group, which focuses on the legendary image of Haji Bektash Veli, is the love of God of each individual [Bilici, 2006, p.353]. Famous Turkish politician and writer Rekha Chamuroglu writes: "A person's personal qualities should be evaluated not from the point of view of piety and piety, as orthodox Muslim doctrine teaches, but from the point of view of the love that he bears" [Camuroglu, 1994, s. 22-34].

The third group, which, as noted by F. Biliji, which considers itself an integral part of the Muslim religion, centers around the Cem Vakfi Foundation and its periodical.

This group, which has become popular due to its demands for the Office of Religious Affairs and financial assistance from the state for the construction of religious buildings - jem-evi, poses a serious problem for official Islam. It is perceived as an Alevi sect-followers of the teachings of Imam Jafer al-Sadiq [Bilici, 2006, p. 353]. This trend in Shiite Islam was recognized as Sunni along with four Sunni madhhabs. One of the main differences between the Ja'farites is that they reject qiyyas (judging by analogy), and in the Sunnah they accept only those hadiths that are transmitted from the words of Ahl-i Bayt, and they also allow the principle of "prudent concealment of faith" (at-taqiyyah).

Speaking about the last, fourth group of Alevis, F. Biliji points out the existence of Ahl-i Beit mosques in Chorum and Zeynebiye in Istanbul, which are a kind of institutional manifestation of the emergence of a "new direction of Alevism". Alevis of this type have periodicals Ondört masum (published in Chorum under the direction of T. Shahin) and Asure. Members of this group, who claim to be followers of the twelve Imams and the Iranian variant of Shi'ism, make a clear distinction between Bektashism and Alevism, vehemently rejecting the former and linking the latter to the Isnaashar Shikta [11] (Bilici, 2006, p.356). Representatives of this group believe that "the Muslim religion should enter every corner of life" and that it contains commandments and prohibitions that cannot be changed or modified depending on time and place [Sahin, 1995, p. 20]. According to the philosophical concept of this group, Alevism is the path of the twelve imams, and Alevis should try to follow it. These Alevis completely reject the association with the Office of Religious Affairs or the establishment of an Alevi Assembly. Each individual

10 Pir Sultan Abdal-one of the most important Sufi poets of Turkey in the 16th century, propagated the ideas of the Bektashiya brotherhood, participated in the Qizilbash revolt against the Ottoman government.

11 Isnaasharites ("dvunadesyatniki"," dyuzhinniki") - the name of Shiite imamites who recognized twelve consecutive imams from the family of 'Ali b. Abi Talib. This name appeared after 874, when the minor 12th Imam "disappeared" and the line of imams recognized by Shiites-Imamites physically ceased. Gradually, the name imamites passed exclusively to the Isnaasharites.

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The Alevi community should establish its own Ahl - i Beit Mosque, completely independent of the Religious Affairs Department (Bilici, 2006, p. 356).

It seems that the boundaries between the first three groups of Alevis depicted by Farouk Biliji are not so categorical and distinct, but rather they are blurred. The first and third groups are close: they stand for the rights of the oppressed. As for the second group identified by F. Biliji, it is more likely that we are talking about Bektashi, rather than Alevites. Of course, these two trends are very close, but still not the same. As for the latter group, its existence seems extremely doubtful. If it is possible, then in its form and ideological content it goes beyond Alevism and is one of the forms of extreme Shiism. I would like to emphasize that the idea of class struggle, upholding the rights of the oppressed and freedom of religious expression have coexisted for centuries in the cultural, religious and social phenomenon called Alevism in Turkey.

Regarding the conceptual aspect of the relationship between the Office of Religious Affairs and the Alevi communities, it should be noted that the Office did not openly declare, based on the Koran and hadith, that Alevism is incompatible with the concept of Islam, and those who defend this faith are heretics, but attempted to assimilate the Alevis in three ways. The first is to attribute Alevism to a folklore phenomenon or subculture, denying its significance at the theological level. The second is to consider Alevism a sect or religious order and oppose their presence in the Department of Religious Affairs. And finally, the third is to take a neutral position, pointing out that Alevism is used as a tool of influence by atheists, materialists, Marxists, Christians and Jews.

Reflecting on the problem of divergence of views between Alevis and official Sunni Islam, Farouk Biliji offers his own way out of the continuous confrontation.

"Let the Alevis believe that some suras have been removed from the Qur'an and replaced by others, and some suras that are taken verbatim should be interpreted metaphorically; let the cults in Alevism do not agree with those accepted in classical Islam, but it should be borne in mind that the Alevis recognize themselves as Muslims (in the majority). And if, while dying, an Alevi wishes to be buried according to Muslim rites in a Muslim cemetery, who has the right to tell him: "You're not a Muslim?". Who has the right to say to the Alevis: "You are ignorant, unenlightened people from the mountains?" If they believe that real prayer is not a five-fold prayer, but rather a dua, and that women and men are equal in Islam, who has the right to prohibit them from doing so? " [Bilici, 2006, p. 364].

Describing the current religious situation in Turkey, the Department of Religious Affairs claims that both religious freedom as such and the existence of variations in religion itself (intra-religious freedom) have been established here [Bardakoglu, 2009, p. 145].

However, there are enough reasons to disagree with the official view of the Government of the country and the Office of Religious Affairs. Thus, it appears that the Department of Religious Affairs established by the Republican Government met the needs of exclusively Sunni Hanafis and disregarded the interests of Alevis, and the Constitution of 1921, which proclaimed the republic as the form of government of the Turkish State, was amended on October 29, 1923. In the second article of the Constitution, the following wording appeared: "The religion of the Turkish state is Islam. The official language is Turkish." Based on the Constitution, identity cards now include the following wording: "Religion-Islam, Hanafi madhhab" [Sarac, 2011, p. 207].

Nevertheless, in recent years, it has been noticeable that the Department is trying to adapt to the new state approach and is changing its policy. It is obvious that some of the changes in recent years are related to the desire to join the European Union,

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and the Department of Religious Affairs is forced to admit that "Alevism is included in the concept of Islam" and declares "ensuring the organization of religious services for them." But in reality, Governance continues to discourage Alevis, which has attracted international attention and has gradually become one of the central themes in EU reports [Yaman and Erdemir, 2006, p. 57].

The question of the legal status of Alevis is extremely acute, being one of the stumbling blocks on the path of Turkey's accession to the EU. The media has an important role to play in covering Alevi issues. The subject of Alevism, which was previously ignored, is now presented much more often. The problems of Alevis are usually discussed in the media, especially during periods of crisis and in connection with historical anniversaries (such as the festivals of Abdal Musa or Haji Bektash 12). Despite all these changes, the media does not provide full coverage of this topic. Particularly discriminating is the broadcasting of TRT (state media Corporation), which produces religious programs only for Sunnis. As a natural result, the Alevis began to create their own programs on radio and television. Radio stations that mostly broadcast Alevite music began to produce programs dedicated to Alevism. The most popular radio stations are: Cem Radyo, Radyo Vagis, Yön FM. The first Alevite television channel was SEM TV. It was followed by SU TV and Duzgün TV [Yaman and Erdemir, 2006, p. 51].

The Internet is another platform where Alevis operate. A large number of Internet sites have been launched since 1996. These are personal websites of Alevis living in Europe, the USA or Turkey, and popular cultural sites.

The number of jam evis has also been growing throughout Turkey since the 1990s, especially in Istanbul, where there are more than 40 jam evis in the districts of Yenibosna, Kartal, Okmeydany, Sarygazi, Halkaly, Yenidogan, Kucukcekmece, Adalar, Gazi, Ikitelli, Cahithane, Alibeykey, Gurpınar, Tuzla Malteie, Haramidere, Esenyurt, Nurtene, and others [Yaman and Erdemir, 2006, p. 54].

Of course, there is a certain pattern in the fact that the legislative and political reforms undertaken in the framework of Turkey's desire to join the EU contribute to the expansion of religious freedom and the protection of the rights of religious minorities.

Today, hundreds of jam evis are open everywhere in Turkey, but they lack legal status. Alevis are forced to open their religious centers under various veiled names. This is because the laws were drawn up in accordance with the Sunni perception of religion, which does not recognize Jem evi as places of religious worship. The Alevis, on the other hand, demand that the Jem Evis be recognized as such and given the status of mosques.

Another fundamental issue that Alevis have been voicing and trying to resolve for decades is the financing of religious institutions and religious education. While Sunnis receive support from the state (they are allocated land and material resources), Alevis are deprived of this. In addition, there are institutions in Turkey that train Sunni theologians. Their activities are financed from the state budget. Equality in religious education remains another fundamental requirement of the Alevis. According to Alevis, the curriculum, special courses, content, teaching staff and subsequent employment are created in accordance with the norms of Sunni Islam. In this regard, they put forward a requirement that the teaching staff, curriculum and educational materials should be reviewed. They want educational institutions to be set up to train people who can lead Alevi religious services. The important issue is re-

12 Alevi cultural festivals named after the most revered saints.

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religious education at school (especially in primary schools), because, according to Alevis, their children are torn between the information received at school and what their parents teach them. The reason for this is that school curricula are designed exclusively in accordance with Sunni Islam and its views.

Today, Alevis in Turkey and Europe are extremely active in all spheres of life: politics, religion, culture, public life, etc. The future fate of Alevism in Turkey depends on many circumstances, and an assessment can only be given taking into account a number of factors: the development of the political situation, the status of religion in the state, and public sentiment.

list of literature

Averyanov Yu. A. Hadji Bektash Veli i sufiskoe bratstvo bektashiya [Hadji Bektash Veli and the Sufi brotherhood of bektashiya]. Moscow: Marjani Publishing House, 2011.

Gordlevsky V. A. Izbrannye sochineniya [Selected Works], Vol. III, Moscow, 1962.

Bardakoglu Ali. Religion and Society. New Perspectives from Turkey. Ankara: Publications of Presidency of Religious Affairs, 2009.

Bilici Faruk. Islam institutionnel, Islam parallèle. De l'Empire Ottoman a la Turquie contemporaine (XVI— XX siècles). Istanbul: Lcs editions ISIS, 2006.

Bruincssen, M., van. Religious Practices in the Turko-Iranian World: Continuity and Change // M.-R. Djalili, A. Monsutti & A. Neubaucr. Le monde turco-iranien en question. Paris-Karthala-Gcncvc: Institut dc hautcs études internationals ct du développemcnt, 2008.

Camuroglu Rcha. Günümüz Aleviliginin Sorunlari. Istanbul: Ant Yayinlan, 1994.

Mardin Serif. Türkiye, Islam ve Sekülarizm. Makalcler 5. Istanbul: Iletisim Yayinlan, 2011.

Sarac Nccdct. Alevilerin siyasal tarihi. Kitap I (1300-1971). Istanbul: Cem Yayincvi, 2011.

Sahin Tcoman. Alevilere söylenen yalanlar, Bektasilik sorusturmasi. Ankara: Armagan yayinlan, 1995.

Yaman Ali & Erdcmir Aykan. Alevism-Bektashism: a Brief Introduction. Alevilik-Bektasilik: Kisa bir Giris. Istanbul: Baris matbaacilik, 2006.

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