Moscow: IV RAS Publ., 2014, 608 p.

The appearance of the book by Yu. I. Drobyshev is very gratifying in itself, because it raises a special problem of considering the interaction of society and nature within the framework of steppe nomadic culture. The book consists of two parts, which are based on the candidate's thesis

TISHIN Vladimir Vladimirovich-Candidate of Historical Sciences, Researcher at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, tihij-511@mail.ru.

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authored by [Drobyshev, 2008] and a number of later published articles. In the first part, "the general principles of nomad nature management and the ideological attitudes behind them are considered", in the second part, "the history of nature management in the steppes from the Xiongnu to the Mongols is described in sequential order" (p.16).

Speaking about the ecological conditionality of the steppe nomads ' economy, Yu. I. Drobyshev cautiously mentions the tendency of some researchers to talk about a unique nomadic civilization on this basis and, apparently, does not deny this (p. 4-5), as he explicitly says in the Conclusion (p.566). The author notes the presence of a number of unique distinctive features inherent in various nomadic societies that inhabited Central Asia in various historical periods-from the third century BC, when the Xiongnu power entered the historical arena , to the XVI century AD, when the Mongols submitted to the Manchus. The search for these differences is, according to the author, the main problem of his work (p. 6-7). Indeed, why did some communities limit themselves to existing within the framework of political formations based on steppe nomadic traditions, others began to practice agriculture and build settlements, and still others rushed to China not just for raids,but for the purpose of conquest?

At the same time, reflecting on the search for an answer already in the Introduction, Yu.I. Drobyshev leaves aside controversial hypotheses about climate changes in Central Asia in different historical periods (pp. 7-8, 65-68). This allows us to preserve the idea of the stability of the economy, life and social relations among ordinary nomads. The author focuses on "the search for patterns at higher levels of social organization of nomadic societies", emphasizing the role of the dominant ideology that can influence the transformation of the traditional worldview, which was also reflected in the forms of interaction with the surrounding natural conditions, in particular on economic activity (p. 10, 12). Yu. I. Drobyshev puts the problem at the center of the study the concept of supreme power, which determines many aspects of regulating the relationship of man with the environment (p. 13-14).

In itself, according to the author, the transformation of the worldview system took place under the influence of neighboring cultures. First of all, we are talking about the influence of China on its nomadic neighbors. Since the relations between the Chinese empires and their nomadic neighbors were most fully reflected in the sources only when it came to the interaction of two equally perceived subjects, Yu.I. Drobyshev notes that a full-fledged analysis can be carried out only at the "imperial level of organization of nomadic tribes of Central Asia" (p. 10).

Yu. I. Drobyshev suggests looking at China as an external factor of nomad adaptation, in a peculiar way putting it on a par with adaptation to environmental conditions (p.10). Of course, the policy of the southern neighbor of the nomads of Central Asia played a very important role in the history of large political entities: the conditions put forward by them and the items of trade offered, active or indirect aggressive measures, etc.influenced the large political entities of the nomads. Here, Yu. I. Drobyshev calls" promising " the theory of the American anthropologist T. J. Barfield, according to which the periods of rise and decline of large political formations of the nomads of Central Asia were directly dependent on the economic power of China, which they actively exploited, extracting surplus product (Barfield, 2009). In some parts of the book, Yu. I. Drobyshev directly follows T. J. Barfield (pp. 361-363, 525). In general, however, it is known that T. J. Barfield's theory, which is interesting as a hypothesis, has demonstrated its inconsistency based on concrete historical material (Drompp, 2005; Vasyutin, 2010).

Yu. I. Drobyshev emphasizes that cattle breeding has always remained the invariable basis of nomad life. It is also indisputable that with the collapse of centralized power, order was temporarily lost in the steppe - nomadic groups were re-formed and nomadic territories were redefined (p. 11). Political conditions in the steppe were largely mediated by the stability of the economy, but the fact of its complete dependence on climatic fluctuations allows us to leave only at the level of theorizing the opinion that stable political conditions in the steppe contributed to the creation of prerequisites for the development of agriculture and the emergence of partial settlement (p.11). Already such a fact as, for example, the periodic repetition of large jutes in Kazakhstan every 6-8 - 10-12 years, small ones-every 3-4 years [Tolybekov, 1959, p. 55 note. 1; Masanov, 1984, p. 72], allows us to assume with a high degree of confidence that nomads developed a habit of variable climatic conditions.

Apparently, the statements that "the weakening of the Khan's power and the separatism of the Noyons create a favorable environment for plunder" look like the same theoretical abstraction.

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natural resources or, at least, for their irrational use" (p. 526), as well as in general attempts to present political disintegration in the steppe as so disastrous for nomads that they seemed to be waiting for "the unification of China under the rule of another dynasty" (p.11), in order to also find a reason for unification.

There were definitely always associations of various sizes in the steppe, covering even several families, but their task was precisely to ensure the conduct of normal economic activities for all households included in it, including labor and security cooperatives [Gumilev, 1993, p.70; Markov, 1976, p. 56]. While the very existence of large political associations can indeed be reduced to cycles, it is difficult to assume that nomads lack the life skills developed on the basis of centuries of experience during periods of absence of a central government. At various levels of social organization, the mechanism of regulating relations both within a nomadic group and between nomadic groups has always existed [Masanov, 1986; Masanov, 1989(1); Masanov, 1989(2); Masanov, 1995, pp. 114-130].

The influence of China or another neighbor may have been more of a catalyst, a factor in the rise or decline of a major political association, acting in conjunction with others, but not the main factor. Suffice it to recall that the weakening of the First Turkic Khaganate was caused by the ongoing wars of 627-629. cold weather and livestock deaths [Liu Mau-tsai, 1958, S. 194-196], and the offensive of the Chinese army only completed its defeat. A similar situation was noted by Yu. I. Drobyshev in relation to the Uyghur Khaganate (p.101). However, if the Kyrkyz army, which attacked the Uyghurs at a favorable moment, did not stay long in Mongolia, returning to their lands (p. 375-380), then in fact simultaneously with the fall of the First Turkic Khaganate, a new association emerged on the basis of the already established political structure in the steppe, led by the Xie-yan- to group, which took over leadership from the weakened the Turkic dynasty [Radloff, 1899, S. XIV-XV].

In this regard, it should be noted that Yu. I. Drobyshev, although he does not specifically address the problems of political genesis, bypassing questions about definitions such as "state" or "empire", rightly points out that when the source refers to a political entity or a group of nomads that has its own name, one should not look here or link the name of the group to the association of the same name (p. 8-9). It is well known that all political formations of nomads were polyethnic, the groups included in them retained both their social organization and their own names, and the entire association, as a rule, was named after the name of the dominant group, which became a kind of politonym [Nemeth, 1991, p. 34-44].

In these circumstances, the question of the penetration of foreign cultural elements into the worldview of nomads is quite difficult to solve, and Yu. I. Drobyshev is quite right in saying that it is necessary to take into account the difference between the introduction to foreign cultural values of members of the ruling dynasty and ordinary shepherds and warriors, whose life and way of life, unchanged for centuries, most closely connected with the traditional way (p. 15, 559). This problem requires the development of a special research methodology.

Yu. I. Drobyshev is well aware of the difficulties of working with a variety of source material, which is represented in this case mainly by Chinese information and only in some cases by relatively few sources created in a nomadic environment (monuments of ancient Turkic runic writing of the VIII-XI centuries, Mongolian chronicles and chronicles of the XIII-XVIII centuries, partly the epic). Each of the historical periods covered in the book is characterized by a different source base in terms of volume and quality (p. 6). The researcher notes that he also used materials related to other epochs to characterize some periods (p. 16). The use of comparative historical and ethnographic data seems quite justified in view of a certain stability of economic and social norms among nomads.

Of independent significance is paragraph 1.1 of the first chapter (called "Theoretical information")" On the concept of Central Asia", which provides an exhaustive analysis of the opinions that have accumulated around the discussion of the toponyms" Central Asia"," Inner Asia"," Central Asia " (pp. 19-54). The author gives the history of the discussion, examines in detail various approaches to identifying a particular historical and cultural area and criteria for including certain geographical areas in its composition. He proposed his own approach related to the economic traditions of the population, which allowed him to combine the concept of "Central Asia"in the framework of the concept of "Central Asia".

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territories of Mongolia, Southern Siberia (Altai, Tuva, Minusinsk Basin, Baikal Region and Trans-Baikal Region), as well as districts of administrative divisions that are part of the People's Republic of China: Inner Mongolia and Ningxia-Hui autonomous regions, Qinghai and Gansu provinces. In addition, during certain historical periods, this historical and cultural region includes also East Turkestan.

Section 1.2 " Natural and climatic conditions of Central Asia as a factor influencing historical events "(pp. 55-62) contains information on the influence of natural conditions in this region on the economic traditions and life of its population. It was the peculiarities of the natural environment and local climate that not only made these territories unattractive for sedentary neighbors to conquer or settle, but also mediated the development of the principle of Chinese foreign policy to set one group of nomads against another, instead of wasting energy on dangerous expeditions deep into the steppe (p.62).

In section 1.3 "Climate and history" (pp. 63-97), noting that the favorable natural conditions of the steppe contribute to population growth and the multiplication of herds, Yu. I. Drobyshev comes to the conclusion that intertribal wars in the steppe were one of the options for solving the problem of overpopulation, which requires multiplication of livestock, for which, in turn, new ones are needed pastures. Not so much the loss of life as the displacement of a part of the population to other territories contributes to some stabilization of the situation. Similarly, in his opinion, the external exploitative rather than conquering nature of the nomads ' foreign policy towards settled agricultural neighbors was determined by their own landscape (p. 64).

An attempt to reconstruct the climate in Mongolia in the 12th-13th centuries on the basis of data from sources of the corresponding epoch is of interest, in connection with the analysis of the hypothesis about the influence of climate on the Mongol wars of conquest of the 13th century (pp. 68-72). These reflections gradually move on to the consideration of historical episodes in the Mongolian history of the 13th-15th centuries, related to the perception of weather phenomena by the Mongols as a reflection of the charisma of the ruler, all whose actions, if they are blessed by Heaven, are not only accompanied by appropriate "signs", but are also able to influence the weather (pp. 72-88). Of particular interest is the analysis of rare episodes of murder by subjects of the supreme ruler, who was considered as deprived of support from above (pp. 88-89). Among the given data of a comparative historical nature, the information about the Khazars raises a big question. Of course, a number of sources, exclusively Arab-Muslim, convey a certain story related to the practice of killing the kagan by subjects if they are dissatisfied with it, but in fact we do not have a single report related to a specific historical episode, although, of course, this is also due to the general lack of source materials on the Khazars.

The available information about unusual natural phenomena that allegedly influenced the power of a particular ruler is known to us only from Chinese sources, but at the same time we do not have any data coming from the nomads themselves. In particular, the same episode with the death of the Turkic khagan Sha-bo-lue after hunting, which, according to Yu. I. Drobyshev, provides "valuable material" for reconstructing the relationship between man and nature in Central Asia (pp. 93-94), cannot be correlated in any way with materials of ancient Turkic origin. At least, the monuments of ancient Turkic runic writing do not convey to us any echoes of the existence of ideas about the manifestation of higher forces through weather phenomena.

Concerning the question of the ruler's charisma, along with the above-mentioned awareness of the constant instability of weather conditions by nomads and the habit of living in accordance with it, I would like to note that climatic factors did not have such a strong influence on the authority of the ruler, in contrast to his own activity, which the author also mentions (p. 449, note 3).

Yu. I. Drobyshev points out such an important moment in the life of nomadic societies as the possession of certain resources. First of all, we are talking about the control of their extraction sites and the ability to process them (p.95). Researchers have already expressed the opinion that the high level of metallurgy of the Turks could become the economic basis for their rise in the early stages of history [Zuev, 1967, p. 85, 138, 191; Sinor, 1990, p.295-296, 313; Gorbunov, 1998, p. 125]. Rather cautiously, we should speak about the development of metallurgy among the ancient Mongol tribes, placing them in the Argun River valley, based on the interpretation of the legend given by Rashid al-Din at-Tabib (pp. 95-96, 411-415), which may contain a nomadic plot dating back at least to the ancient Turkic era (Ogel, 1993, s. 59-71].

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Section 1.4 "Natural disasters" is mainly devoted to jute (Mong. dzut). It was also familiar to the authors of ancient Turkic written monuments, and it was in them that this word was first recorded [Tekin, 1968, p. 244, 277, 408; Clauson, 1972, p. 883]. Yu. I. Drobyshev notes that not every cataclysm could be fatal for nomads, unless it occurred on the territory of the Russian Federation. a political and, as a rule, sacred center, which the nomads of Central Asia, beginning with Xiong-nu , located in the Orkhon Valley (c. 100-101). If earlier Yu. I. Drobyshev mentioned several times that it is impossible to deny the influence of climate on the rise and fall of nomadic political formations (p. 12, 65), then here he directly says that "the most important incentive for the development of nomadic empires and the main reason for the differences between them was the socio-political evolution of nomadic societies, and not only the not by themselves, but in close connection with the settled world, primarily with China." Nature only set a certain starting point for their functioning, but all deviations from the given model had a social connotation. "Nature could weaken a nomadic state and make it a victim of its neighbors or force it to change its foreign policy for a while, but it did not allow or compel pastoralists to turn into farmers or merchants en masse." Climate acts not as a cause, but only as a catalyst for these processes (p. 103).

The second chapter of the book " History of studying the interaction of man and nature in the Central Asian region "(pp. 104-133) The article briefly covers the source base and historiography of the problem. The entire set of sources includes works of Chinese, Turkic, Mongolian, Arabic and other origin and is represented by translated works, mainly in Russian. Referring to scientific works, Yu. I. Drobyshev notes that virtually every researcher who has studied the life of the peoples of Central Asia has dealt with the issues of mutual influence of nomads and the environment in one way or another (p. 113). Yu. I. Drobyshev has attracted a number of works on ethnic ecology , a methodological direction of interdisciplinary studies of human-environmental interactions (p. 123-125).

Chapter three, "Ethnoecological reconstructions", is devoted to substantiating the author's methodology, his universal scheme, and analyzing at the theoretical level particular issues that stand in the way of reconstruction within the framework of this scheme of relations between historical societies and the natural environment (pp. 134-164). For my part, I would like to note that when discussing totemism with a reservation about "the transition from the tribal system to the early states" (p.157), Yu. I. Drobyshev suggests that he considers the history of nomadic society within the framework of laws developed for settled agricultural societies based on their material. Thus, in one place he accepts the phrase "feudal fragmentation" in relation to one of the periods of Mongolian history (p. 522), in another he speaks of "feudal strife" (p.541). All this demonstrates the author's evolutionist ideas about the course of nomad history. For example, he considers the emergence of science and the creation of writing as "indicators of progress", but he considers the transition to sedentarism and agriculture not as a natural phenomenon, but as "ways of adapting to a certain natural environment" (p.332). At the same time, in another place there is a statement about the interruption of the "process of urbanization" in Mongolia (p.525). The use of the evolutionist conceptual framework contradicts the conclusion of Yu. I. Drobyshev himself about the special civilization of nomads.

Chapter four "Socio-economic and ideological foundations of the traditional economy of the nomads of Central Asia" includes eight paragraphs.

Section 4.1 " Ecological traditions and ecophilicity "(pp. 165-181) is devoted to substantiating the thesis that the" ecophilicity " of nomads is based not on spiritual idealistic foundations, but on practical interest - preserving the original appearance of the environment for its further habitual use.

Section 4.2 " Demographic factor "(p. 181-185) examines the peculiarities of nomadism in the conditions of Central Asia and the phenomenon of sedimentation associated with poverty, if we talk about nomads themselves, or with migrants and captives from a different cultural environment (p. 182). Yu. I. Drobyshev notes the fact that nomadism was cyclical and was carried out in certain territories, taking into account their location and size, livestock and herd composition, and the nature of nomadism, along with the relief and degree of moistening of the pasture territory, took into account all these factors (pp. 184-185).

In section 4.3, "Sacredness of the territory of habitation" (pp. 185-188), Yu. I. Drobyshev notes several levels of sacralization of territorial objects, starting with the space inside and around the yurt associated with one family, continuing with the territories of nomadism of a "clan" or tribal group, and ending with the territory inhabited by tribal groups with similar characteristics.

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a picture of the world and a common pantheon. The sacred status was acquired not so much by the territory as by individual geographical features, primarily mountains, rivers, and lakes. It is important to sacralize "one's own" territory, which was identified with everything positive - the most fertile, convenient for life, giving strength, etc. Sacred places were served with certain rituals and should not be desecrated. In contrast, objects of "foreign" land - evil, uncomfortable-could be desecrated.

The valley of the Otyuken River was such a sacred territory for the ancient Turkic-speaking peoples, "their own" for the specific tribe of Turks, which is accordingly devoted to the eponymous paragraph 4.4 (pp. 188-204). Otyuken is located somewhere in eastern Khangai, in the upper reaches of the Orkhon River. Noting that various issues related to this area have already been considered by a number of scientists, Yu. I. Drobyshev asks: why does the mention of Otyuken in ancient Turkic runic inscriptions relate only to positive aspects, while Khangai is not at all associated with the genealogical legends of the ruling Ah-shi-na group ? (p. 193).

Developing the hypothesis of P. B. Konovalov, Yu. I. Drobyshev suggests the possibility of transferring the name Otyuken from the area where the ancestors of the founders of the Turki group came from, to the shrine that existed here before (p. 192, 193). The author is inclined to believe that Otyuken acquired its sacred significance only in the period of the Second Turkic Khaganate, becoming the base of anti-Chinese rebels who proclaimed the creation of a new political entity centered in Otyuken (Second Turkic Khaganate) (pp. 193-194). But references to the presence of the supreme khagan's headquarters in this area date back to the period of the First Turkic Khaganate (Pelliot, 1929, p. 212-217). The fact that it was a universally recognized holy place is hardly denied (p. 193). This is also proved by the fact that various rival tribal groups subsequently tried to take possession of it. At the same time, Yu.I. Drobyshev discusses with the authors who speak about the existence of a common nomadic tradition of creating a political center in Otyuken (p. 197-198). According to Yu. I. Drobyshev, the Uyghurs attached the greatest importance to this area (p. 195-196), since their ancestral homeland could be located there; the Khitan emperor later called them there (p.198), and the rulers of the Mongol Empire founded their capital there under the influence of Uyghur advisers (p. 199).

This is a controversial point, especially since Yu. I. Drobyshev (p. 203) tries to support his hypothesis with one of the variants of the etymology of the name otukan < *otugan 'convenient mountain pasture', 'place of former parking' < ot - 'move',' roam ' + affl. - igan [Bushakov, 2007], however there are several others, although they differ in the choice of the original root, which cause less stretch from the point of view of morphonology, since they are reduced to the patronymic construction formed using the affix +kAn [Boodberg, 1979, p. 123-124, 229; Gabain, 1950, S. 60; Tekin, 1968, p. 105, 106; Erdal, 1991, p. 77; Comparative Historical Grammar..., 2001, p. 85].

Otyuken had not only ideological, but also strategic significance. Paragraph 4.5 of the Kurukis (pp. 204-220) refers to areas that were given sacred significance and inviolability. According to Yu. I. Drobyshev, the primary functions of the Kuruk nature reserves were secondary, as well as the important function of ensuring the existence of a kind of inviolable stock of livestock and game from the point of view of nature management. Their sacralization was a consequence of the khan's family's desire to protect the best pastures and hunting grounds as their own property from encroachments by their tribesmen (p. 218). Nevertheless, even here the author mentions examples of sacralization of lands and their concentration in the power of the supreme ruler as a consequence of social evolution (p. 219).

Other possible etymologies of the word otiikan (<other-Turk. otug 'request',' supplication ' [Boodberg, 1979, p. 229; Erdal, 1991, p. 77]; < pratürk. * o:t(u) 'old' [Comparative historical Grammar..., 2001, p. 85]; compare: [Boodberg, 1979, p. 123-124]) could provide, for example, a ground for reflection in paragraph 4.6 "Animism" (p.221-238), devoted to the relationship to the spirits of nature. Semantically, in this respect, the word would be much closer to the Mongolian word recorded in written monuments in the form etugen-ietugen ~ otogen ~ otegen [Rybatzki, 2006, p. 34-35], taking into account the primacy of the labial /o/ and the possibility of transmitting in this case the Turkic /k/ through the Mongolian /g/.

In section 4.7, " The religious factor "(pp. 238-250), considerable attention is paid to the analysis of the concept of" Tengriism "or" Tengrianism " (a term proposed by the French Turkologist J.-P. Roux), which reflects one of the layers of the traditional worldview of the Turkic-Mongolian nomads of Central Asia. Touching upon the problem of correlation of tengrism and shamanism, Yu. I. Drobyshev

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He is inclined to believe that shamanism was part of tengrism, which appears to be a developed form of worldview with a tendency to monotheism, imbued with an ideological component that is aimed at building a vertical of power, whose emergence is mediated by socio-political evolution (pp. 241-242). The researcher notes that shamanism is directly related to the everyday, everyday life of nomads, "this is both a special worldview and practice," but shamanism cannot serve the interests of society in a complex political system (p.248).

Following J.-P. Roux, Yu. I. Drobyshev notes that in the case of the disintegration of the political formation and the disintegration of tribal groups, the unified cult of Heaven lost its relevance, and the tribes returned to local shamanism (pp. 243-244). Nevertheless, according to Yu. I. Drobyshev, the worldview of nomads still underwent some kind of evolution towards a more complex understanding of the universe, creating the ground for the spread of Buddhism. The complication of the worldview was characteristic of the periods of powerlessness in the steppe. To confirm the latter thesis, the author gives an example of the situation in the Turkic Khaganate, when the adviser Tonyukuk dissuaded the Bilge Khagan from accepting Buddhism (pp. 244-245). The author puts forward a hypothesis about the influence of Buddhism on the worldview of the Mongols already in the Yuan period, which was reflected in the change of many ideas about the universe after the collapse of the Mongol Empire at the end of the XIV century (p.541).

At the same time, Yu.I. Drobyshev notes the appeal of nomadic leaders to conceptually formed religions of settled peoples, as, for example, it was with the Uyghurs, Tanguts, or descendants of Genghis Khan in Turkestan, Iran, or the Volga region (pp. 245-246). It should be noted, however, that these are very different situations when it comes to the treatment of the ruler of a nomadic association based in steppe regions, and when the ruler heads a political entity with a significant share of the settled agricultural population, which plays an important role in the economy of this entity. The author probably considers the emergence of such political entities to be "progress" (p. 298). At the same time, Yu.I. Drobyshev cautiously rejects the idea of "natural evolution of religious ideas of Central Asian nomads" due to the "cyclical nature of their development" (p. 246). It leaves the question of nomads ' acceptance of foreign religions open.

Yu. I. Drobyshev asks why Tengrism could not become one of the world's religions, and notes such a property as its narrowness in ethnic terms : Tengrism did not contain a universal, supra-ethnic idea of salvation, but only sanctioned the power of specific nomadic dynasties (pp. 248-249). At the same time, in one of the sections below, the author draws attention to the impossibility of an unambiguous solution of the question of the nature of the concept of the heavenly origin of the ruler among nomads (pp. 515-516).

Section 4.8 " Ecological aspects of steppe legislation "(pp. 250-271) is based mainly on the materials of the Mongolian laws of the XVI-XVIII centuries, as well as fragmentary information from other epochs and examines the stipulated norms of nature management related to the use of pastures, water sources, hunting grounds, etc. hunting an animal considered the first ancestor of a particular tribe was not tabooed (pp. 258-259). Interesting subjects are those related to the study of the influence of Buddhism on the attitude to wildlife, which, as the author shows, was not so strong (p. 262-267, 270), although in another place he notes the importance of Buddhism for the transformation of customs and worldview of the Mongols (p.450).

The second part of the book by Yu. I. Drobyshev is devoted to the history of nomadic political formations in Central Asia of the corresponding periods, considered in the context of environmental management problems.

The fifth chapter "Ecological tradition in the history and culture of the peoples of Central Asia" opens with paragraph 5.1 " Periodization of the ethnic ecology of the peoples of Central Asia "(pp. 274-278), where the criteria for periodization are justified. The author, although linking it to the political history of the region (as can be seen from the titles of the subsequent sections: "Xiongnu", "Xianbi", "Ruanzhuani", etc.), by his own admission, refused to allocate stages based on the history of each of the political entities or, in his words, "ethnic groups" or "ethnic groups".ethnic groups". Stages are identified for the ethnic ecology of "the Mongolian ethnos proper", they are "naturally related to the stages of its historical development", although "they do not completely coincide with them" (p.275). There are seven of them in total: 1) VI-IX centuries; 2) the second half of IX-1205; 3) 1206-1368; 4) 1368-the end of the XVI century; 5) 1578-1920; 6) 1921-1989; 7) after 1990, each has its own

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characteristics that I won't touch on. I will only note that the fifth, "dark" period of Mongolian history is marked by overpopulation due to the flight of the Mongols from China after the fall of the Yuan Dynasty and is characterized by a "return to the previous way of life", i.e., the traditional steppe way of life, close to the "first" and "second" stages (pp. 276-277).

It is not possible to elaborate on each of the subsequent sections devoted to a specific "ethnic group". All of them represent, in essence, an overview of the history of nomadic peoples with an emphasis on subjects that are somehow related to the relationship between man and nature.

Following the translation by V. S. Taskin, Yu. I. Drobyshev correctly notes the first mention in the sources ("Qian Han shu", tsz. 94b) among the nomads of Central Asia of the "reserve" (Chinese yuan-yu, lit. 'park', 'menagerie nursery' [Big Chinese-Russian dictionary..., 1984, vol. 4, p. 327], organized in the Inipan Mountains by the Xiongnu shanyu Mao-tung (p. 286). Interestingly, A.V. Dybo sees the basis of the word qor-uy / qor-yy in the Xiongnu title gu-li wan, where gu-li < *kok-r(h) ə < *qor(i) yi [Dybo, 2007, p. 103]. It seems that this word is reliably recorded already in the monuments of the ancient Turkic runic script: in the Onga inscription in the case form qoriy-ypip [Clauson, 1972, p. 652, 43, 158; Osawa, 2011, p. 170] 1. The name of the locality qasar qoruy, where the Uyghur khagan placed his headquarters, is found in the Tesii stele [Klyashtorny, 2010, p. 87, 89], and it probably corresponds to qasar qurdan in the monument of Mogoin Shine Usu [ibid., p. 56, 63], which is associated with the Por-Bazhyn fortress in Tuva [ibid., pp. 254-257].

The author's remark about the existence of a tradition among nomads of desecrating the graves of hostile rulers in connection with the ideas about their role for the well-being of their political education is interesting (p. 286, 293, 460-461, 466-467, 495, 507-509). It is fair to interpret the actions of the Kyrkyzs to separate the heads, which were considered a concentration of power, from the enemy's buried ones as an attempt to" neutralize " the territory occupied by them (pp. 374-375). In this context, Yu. I. Drobyshev also mentions the beheading of ancient Turkic statues (p. 467). This explains the Mongols 'practice of constructing piles of severed heads, receptacles of power (sulde), as a kind of projection of the "world axis", which symbolized the reconstruction of the world order that was shaken by the death of the previous dynasty (pp. 458-459).

We can agree with the position of Yu. I. Drobyshev, who does not share the thesis about the semi-sedentary economy of the Xiongnu , although the question of the nature of the population of their "cities", in a large number recorded and archaeologically, will have to be left open for now (pp. 289-290). Yu. I. Drobyshev explains the absence of cities among the Xianbei people by the lack of" economic prerequisites " (p.297).

As for the jiao-duan-niu animal mentioned by the Xianbei people, from whose horns bows were made (p. 295), it can be assumed that we are talking about a yak: the niu hieroglyph means 'cattle', 'bull', 'ox', 'buffalo', ' cow ' [Large Sino-Russian dictionary..., 1983, vol. 2, p. 868], and jiao-duan < al-kit. * kak-tuan [Schuessler, 2006, p. 309, 218, 195; Schuessler, 2009, p.156, 270], * krok-ton [Starostin], - cf. *qotur 'як', праалт. * k ' akt'o 'a large domestic animal' [Starostin, Dybo, Mudrak, 2003, p. 755], compare also the reconstruction of the original common Turkic form as *qotaz [Etymological Dictionary..., 2000, pp. 80-81]. It is characteristic that the mention of this animal occurs already in the V century BC [Materials, 1984, pp. 70, 307, comm. 3].

The point of view expressed on pages 303-304 about the existence of a traditional institution like the Mongolian Kurultai among the nomads of Central Asia, which is supported by data on meetings that elected the ruler among the Tobas, autumn meetings among the Xianbei, and inter-seasonal congresses among the Xiongnu , should be treated cautiously, since information about each such event requires special consideration (cf.: [Tishin, 2014, p. 40-42]).

The author rightly expresses the opinion that although nomads often adopted certain religions, this never turned into fanaticism, and the nomads did not try to impose them on their neighbors or the population of their own association (p.317, 357).

The opinion about the lines of the Xianbei song of chi-le quoted on page 321 from the translation by L. Ligeti is based on a misunderstanding of the passage "Bei Qi shu", where, as E. J. Pulleyblank noted, the dying emperor contrasts Hu-lu Jin as a native of the Chi-le people to another statesman, Xianbei [Pulleyblank, 1990, p. 26, p. 13].

1 Contrary to J. R. R. Tolkien Khusho-Tsaydam stelae of the Amu quryan [Aydin, 2009; Sirin User, 2009, p. 62].

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To Yu. I. Drobyshev's reflections on the possibility of Buddhism among the Zhouzhans or even the influence of some ancient Indian traditions (pp. 328-330), we should add the fact that the spelling of the kagan's name Po-luo- men corresponds to the traditional written translation of the Sanskrit word brahman [Sinor, 1990, p. 294; Beckwith, 2005, p. 17, n. 53]; cf. < * balaban / *balaman [Boodberg, 1979, p. 134], but apparently not mong. * barimal [Dybo, 2007, p. 27, 182].

The author repeats the traditional view that the Zhouzhans had an institution of darkhanism (p. 332), based on their mention of the titles da-guan , ta-han and ta-han ("Wei shu", tsz.103). The sound of the first one does not convey *tarqan, but literally means 'high official' [Tishin, 2014, p. 44-46]; cf.: [Materials, 1984, p. 284]. About the second, which is the title of the khagan, it is said that in the language of the Wei dynasty it means xu -a hieroglyph that, among others, has the meanings of 'beginning', 'continuation', and 'feelings, moods' [Bolshoy Sino-Russian Dictionary..., 1983, vol. 2, p. 595] (cf.: "continuing delo " [Materials, 1984, p. 278, 413, comm. 49]: ta-hdn < ran. wed-kit. * tha-yan [Pulleyblank, 1991, p. 299, 313, 118], postcl. *thd-gdn, cf. *tha-yan [Starostin]). It is only possible to compare it semantically with the following hypothetical series: "PMong. * tab 1 pleasure 2 find pleasure in something 3 to love (1 pleasure, convenience 2 get pleasure, satisfaction 3 love): MMong. tab 4, taji- 2, ta 'ala- 3 (SH), tala- 3 (Lig.VMI), ta 'alam 3 (HY 37), tala- 3 (IM), tala- 3 (MA); WMong. tab 1 (L 760), tayala- / tab(a)la- 2 (L 761, 763), tabsi- 'choyer (enfant)'; Kh. ta, tav 1; tala- 3; Bur. ta-taj 1, tala- 'fondle, strode, kiss'; Kalm. tab 1, tawlə- 2; Ord. tata 'agreeable'; Mog. tala- 3 (Lig. VMI 67); Dag. tala-2 (Tod. Dag. 165), tale-3 (MD 218); Mongr. ta 1, dasə- 'choyer (enfant)' (SM 47)" [Starostin, Dybo, Mudrak, 2003, p. 1409].

The third combination is ta-han < early cf. - kit. *thap-yan [Pulleyblank, 1991, p. 299, 118], postcl. others-kit. * təp-gan, wed-kit. * tlp-yan [Starostin], reconstructed *taß(a)yan / *taß(a) qan, based on the meaning of the first hieroglyph 'pagoda', ' tower '(skt. stupa) [Big Chinese-Russian Dictionary..., 1983, vol. 2, p. 457], can be semantically it is compared with the non-verbal education of the Turki. tap - ' to serve '(meaning ' to worship (God)') [Rybatzky, 2007, S. 334-335; Clauson, 1972, p. 435]; compare qap-yan [Sinor, 1954, p. 181; Tekin, 1968, p. 112] and P. A. Budberg's reconstruction of words with a base based on hieroglyphs of the same rhyme class with ta in Tabgach *tap- ( ta < *t'ap, ta < t'ap) and the title *tapqan (ta-gan < *t'ap-kan) 'cultist' [Boodberg, 1979, p. 229]; cf. also: [Bazin, 1950, p. 278, 317]. Phonetically, it is also possible to derive from pramong. * tabag 'foot, paw', reflected in the email.- mong. tabay, khalkh. tavag, tavxaj, bur. tabgaj, kalm. tawəg, ordos. tawaG, Mongor. tawaG [Starostin, Dybo, Mudrak, 2003, p. 1390]2 + reduced affinity-qan.

The Turkic etymology is obvious for the titles irkin and eltabar recorded among the Zhouzhans [Clauson, 1972, p. 225,134], this is stated in Yu. I. Drobyshev, where the phrase" the last two " is assigned to the list of posts mo-fu , si-li-fa , si-jin , tu-dou-deng (p. 334), but apparently this is a typo and we are talking about the second and third titles, and not" respectively", but vice versa [Pelliot, 1929, p. 226-229].

It is necessary to abandon S. G. Klyashtorny's proposed readings, interpretations, and, accordingly, dating of the Choiren Stele (p. 340), in view of the rechecking of the reading in subsequent years by other specialists (O. F. Sertkaya, F. S. Barutchu-bzonder, Suzuki Kosetsu, and I. V. Kormushin) (for a review, see [Kormusin, 2011]). In any case, the word ayl, which is found at least in the Sudzha stele, apparently had the meaning of 'tent, kibitka' in the ancient Turkic era, and not 'cattle pen' (Klyashtorny, 1959, p. 163; Pritsak, 1997, p.79). It is the passage with the translation of this word as "ail" that is given in another part of the book (p. 374).

On p. 342, an attempt is made to reconstruct the herd composition of the Orkhon Turks on the basis of data from Yenisei texts, but this is very dangerous due to the debatable nature of the economic and cultural type of the population of Tuva and the Minusinsk Basin at that time, which the author took into account elsewhere (p.376-377).

To p. 346, where the question is raised about the possibility of organizing round-up hunts among the Turks, it is necessary to add an indication of the interpretation of the expression ab abla-in the monument of Kuli-chora precisely as a designation of round-up hunting [Comparative Historical Grammar..., 2001, p. 418], as well as

2 Cf. tabg. do-bai-chen , duo / duo-bai-chen < *ta-b 'ak-tsien < *tabaqc 'infantrymen' [Boodberg, 1979, p. 226; Bazin, 1950, p. 312; Dybo, 2007, p.196].

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on the mention in the "Tai-ping guang-chi" (comp. in 978) of "fences", when "the tribe somehow gathered for a big hunt" (quoted from: [Zuev, 2002, p. 225]).

On page 351, it is said that the name of the guard of the Turkic khagan fu-li is translated as 'wolves', but this should not be a translation, but a transcription (< *bori) (see, for example, [Boodberg, 1979, p. 74-75]).

Significant problems are encountered in the desire of many specialists to see an indication of the sacred functions of the Turkic khagan in Chinese sources and direct evidence in the Bugut inscription (p. 353), but this does not seem to be the case there (Tishin, 2013, p.274-276).

Yu. I. Drobyshev joins the hypothesis that the Uyghur kagan adopted Manichaeism due to its interest in increasing revenues from transcontinental trade (p.364). The author explains the intensification of trade as such an unusual phenomenon for nomads as the construction of cities by Uyghurs (p. 366), continued by Khitans (p. 385-386).Yu. I. Drobyshev rejects the hypothesis about the influence of the adoption of a new religion on changes in the economic life of the population (p. 367).

Yu. I. Drobyshev repeats the words of S. G. Klyashtorny about the first mention of ploughed lands in ancient Turkic sources, when it comes to the Terkhinsky (Tariat) stele, where tarlyy occurs (p. 367), but above (p. 344) he spoke about " ploughed fields "(ekin) in the text Iime I (E-73), taking its dating by D. D. Vasiliev to the middle of the eighth century, based on the mention of the "Uyghur Khan" in the text [Vasiliev, 1997, p.36, 37]; compare: [Kormushin, 2008, p. 64, 65]. It should be noted that I. V. Kormushin reads the combination kn 2 gl 2 g in this monument differently: k a ng u l u g vm. e k i n i g e l i g [Kormushin, 2008, pp. 63-65], which, however, seems more controversial, given the alleged presence of labial vowels in the first syllable with a wide vowel and not graphically indicated labial vowels in subsequent syllables.

Yu. I. Drobyshev put forward an interesting hypothesis that the Kyrkyzs, who defeated the Uyghur Khaganate, were nevertheless not interested either in conquering new lands or in making them empty, since there would be no one to rule here (p. 373). This is consistent with the well-known practice of nomads to have a population as a subject, from which it would be possible to collect a product, limiting it to a rather formal dependence [Batsuren, 2009, pp. 133-134, 223-224].

Section 5.9 on the Mongols, divided into subsections 5.9.1 " Proto-Mongol tribes "(p. 400-406), 5.9.2 "Pre-Chingiz Mongols" (p.406-432), 5.9.3 "Mongols of the age of Conquest" (p. 432-522), 5.9.4 "Mongols of the "dark" period" (p. 522-542), seems to be the most detailed. Yu. I. Drobyshev traditionally identifies "Proto-Mongol tribes" with the Shi-wei group. Returning to the questions about "ethnoses" and "ethnic groups", I must say that such an approach is hardly acceptable when studying nomadic peoples, whose ecologically adapted and therefore fluid model of social organization does not allow for the formation of stable and long-lasting groups that could be called "ethnic", which should be borne in mind when discussing historical and ethnic problems - in particular, when it comes to the ancestral homeland of the Mongols, here we should understand the Mongol-speaking tribes (pp. 410-413). Due to the supra-ethnic nature of nomadic groups, it is impossible to exclude the presence of Mongolian-speaking elements in associations headed by a Turkic-speaking group, and vice versa. Therefore, there can be no "ethnic Mongols" (p. 467), and it is hardly legitimate to speak of "nationalities" in relation to the fifth century (p.302, 317) or the thirteenth century (p. 467).

On p. 437, Yu. I. Drobyshev explains the change of kure nomadism to ail nomadism among the Mongol tribes under Genghis Khan by its transformations, and not by social evolution.

Discussion on the determinative kara (lit., 'black') in river names (p. 482, ed. 1) should, apparently, be reduced to a concrete study of the symbolism of this color designation. As in the Turkic culture, the traditional culture of the Mongolian peoples undoubtedly reflects similar semantics: 'big', 'abundant', 'mighty', i.e., for example,' abundant water (river)' [Kononov, 1978, pp. 161-163, 164-165].

Yu. I. Drobyshev suggests that the cult of Etugen-ehe, Mother Earth, should be along with the cult of Tengri, the Eternal Blue Sky, generally recognized by all the Mongol and Turkic tribes, and, accordingly, Etugen "should be one", and all should "roam its one and indivisible body" (p. 490). No matter what arguments are given, we should not lose sight of the ethnographic data about the Turkic peoples, where the cult of the Earth Spirit, Yer-sub, reached a generally recognized level only during the periods of the existence of a single political space, but in the conditions of political disintegration, it acquired, like the cult of Tengri, a local character, often combining with the cult of the spirit of a specific area [Potapov, 1991, pp. 278, 280].

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The sixth chapter, " Buddhism in Central Asia and its ecological significance "(pp. 543-557), continues the thoughts expressed in previous chapters (pp. 277, 311, 316, 356-357, 529-536, etc.), mainly talking about the adaptation of traditional Mongolian beliefs by Buddhism and the transformation of the customs of Mongolian nomads within the new worldview system.

All the author's conclusions are summarized briefly and succinctly in the Conclusion (pp. 558-566). The book is provided with detailed indexes of historical and mythological characters (p. 568-576), dynasties (p.577-578), ethnic and generic names (p. 579-580), geographical names (p. 581-592), terms (p. 593-596), and is also decorated with 14 illustrations.

In general, it seems that the "Introduction" and" Conclusion " of the book reflect the author's concept, and the main part acts as a summary of the actual material. Repetitions, which the author tried to avoid, as he notes himself, were inevitable (p. 16), but it seems that he was not able to fully reflect the entire methodology outlined in the third chapter. The volume of the book and the literature involved are in themselves evidence of considerable work. This work has shown the existence of a number of issues, the solution of which is of great importance for the study of nomadic societies. This is the undoubted merit of the author.

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