On November 17 and 19, 2014, the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences hosted a scientific conference "Nations and Nationalism in the Muslim World (on the example of Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, ethnic Kurdistan, neighboring countries and regions)". The traditional 9th conference was organized by the Center for Near and Middle Eastern Studies of the Institute of International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences. In the 15 years since 1999, when the first conference on the problems of the Islamic region south of Russia's borders was held, the Center (until 2010 - the Department) has prepared and published eight collections of articles devoted to politics, international relations, economics, culture and history of the vast area that is now the focus of scientific and expert attention. communities. The topic of the next conference, in the opinion of its organizers, should have aroused increased interest. The problem of Islam and nationalism is traditionally one of the most discussed in science, and it has been given additional urgency by recent trends associated with the emergence of militant organizations and movements in the Middle East that call into question the very existence of states in the region within the established borders. At the same time, there is an increased internationalization of Islamist projects, actions "over the borders" of such armed groups as the Islamic State, Al-Qaeda, the Taliban, etc. The relevance of the issue is probably largely explained by the large number of applications for participation received from employees of the Institute of Information Technology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, other scientific and higher educational institutions in Moscow, as well as St. Petersburg, Nizhny Novgorod, Lipetsk, Perm, and Pyatigorsk. Several applications were received from specialists from Kazakhstan, Iran and a number of other countries. The program of the two-day conference included 67 reports, two plenary and four breakout sessions. On the Institute's website (www.ivran.ru Theses of speeches are published in a separate booklet.

Belokrenitsky's report "Concepts of Nationalism and the Problem of Nations in the Modern Islamic World", which opened the plenary session, made an attempt to approach nations and nationalism from the position of the East-West dichotomy. Based on the theoretical propositions of L. S. Vasiliev and E. S. Kulpin-Gubaidullin, the speaker proposed to distinguish between two types of nationalism - citizenship and civil. The first of them is genetically connected with the subordination of property institutions to the institutions of power, which is dominant in the East (and almost universal from the point of view of world historical experience). The second type, which develops as a departure from tradition, has been established since Modern times in Western Europe, gradually covering other countries and continents where European experience penetrates. In the modern world, both types of nationalism (both state and ethnic, sub-state levels) do not appear in their pure form, and imitative, hybrid variants have become widespread. The Muslim area today is characterized not only by subordination of property (middle class) but also a variety of power structures, from traditional, monarchical to archaic, fundamentalist.

N. M. Mammadova (IB RAS) in her report "Peculiarities of the national socio-economic model of Iran" noted that the diversity of the national-demographic, cultural and natural-geographical landscape of Iran complicates the formation of a single socio - economic model. Such a model requires a consolidating ideological justification. During the Shah's period, it was the concept of pan-Iranism, which was based on an appeal to a single Iranian nation, which included all peoples except those professing Christianity. To modern

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one of them was the conversion to Islam. A reflection of the latest approach to strengthening the unity of the country is the call of the current Rahbar (spiritual leader) of the country, A. Khamenei, to build an "economy of resistance", or"economy of jihad". The appeal includes recognition of the need to focus on the development of ethno-national territories. N. M. Mammadova emphasized the relevance of the new paradigm, the impact of the demographic situation on socio-economic policy, analyzed state measures to equalize the economic potential of "national provinces" and improve the standard of living of the population in lagging regions.

The most important characteristic of Turkish economic life since the Ottoman times, pointed out N. Y. Ulchenko (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences), speaking with the report "Religious tradition and features of the national economic model of Turkey", was state control over the distribution of the produced product. Islam was a prerequisite for the traditionally high level of state intervention in economic relations. Following the classical Islamic doctrine, the state prevented the concentration of wealth in the hands of the owner, as it considered the interests and well-being of the Muslim community to be a priority, performing certain paternalistic functions in relation to the individual. This tradition was largely broken during the period of statism and political authoritarianism in the 1930s. In the state policy of that period, the emphasis shifted from the sphere of distribution to the sphere of production, and the social component significantly weakened. The subsequent disillusionment with such an economic policy raised the expectations of the masses and society for active government measures in the field of redistribution. As a result, since the second half of the 20th century, populism has become an immanent feature of the economic course, which has led to chronic budget deficits, accelerated inflation, and widespread use of external sources of financing. In view of the continuing inertia of economic expectations of voters, the current difficulties on the way to the necessary economic changes are, in the opinion of the speaker, more serious than it seems at first glance. Obstacles to economic reform reinforce the Ottoman tradition of the State's patronizing attitude towards private consumption and its informal responsibility to protect the well-being of citizens.

S. N. Kamenev's report "Features and prospects of the development of the national economy of Pakistan" noted that after the government of Nawaz Sharif came to power in the country in May 2013, it was noted that the Government of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan is still developing. changes in the formulation of tasks for the development of the national economy were identified: the main emphasis was placed on achieving high rates of economic growth. Reaching the planned GDP growth rate of 5% per year, according to the speaker, is quite feasible. Reducing income inequality and combating increasing poverty were relegated to the background. At the same time, the ruling circles intend to significantly increase exports and slightly reduce the growth of imports. At the same time, the government is trying to create the best conditions for currency inflows from Pakistanis working abroad. The increased foreign exchange reserves, as well as the resources of international organizations, are planned to be used to solve the country's acute and long-standing energy problem. The emerging improvement in macroeconomic indicators is not accompanied by the solution of social problems. As a result, the country has very weak indicators in international rankings that reflect the state of education, health care and other aspects of the nation's well-being.

In the report of D. B. Malysheva (IB RAS) "Radical Islamism as a foreign policy challenge to the nations-states of Central Asia", it was noted that the main threat to the young states of the Central Asian region is not so much foreign as local adherents of the ideology of radical Islamism. In connection with the possible return of the Taliban to power in Afghanistan, the speaker noted that such a development in itself does not pose a threat to Central Asia. At the same time, the ruling regimes there often resort to justifying their actions aimed at suppressing the opposition by calling out radical Islamism. Meanwhile, the main threats to the stability of Central Asian states stem from internal causes, which can undoubtedly be aggravated by the influence of external forces.

K. M. Truevtsev (National Research University Higher School of Economics) drew attention to the five zones of regional conflicts identified by him (Middle East, North Africa, South Central Asia, Pacific and Central Europe). Of these, the first three are particularly important. They are united by their location in the Islamic world and the leading conflict-causing significance of the Islamist factor, which claims a universal, global role. Noting the predictability of development itself

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K. M. Truevtsev stressed that the epicenter of the Middle East zone of instability has shifted to the territory of Syria and Iraq due to the long-standing Arab-(today mainly Palestinian -) Israeli conflict. At the same time, the region-wide nature of the conflict is given by political and religious confrontation, the emergence of inter-state Sunni and Shiite "axes". The establishment of a largely self-sufficient terrorist Islamic State (IS) in the Middle East is fraught with an escalation of threats both local and broader.

G. G. Kosach (RSUH) presented the report "Palestinian Nationalism: formation and evolution". Describing "Palaestinism" as the idea and practice of "constructing and mobilizing one of the ethnic communities", he emphasized its specificity, which was determined by the peculiarities of the external challenge in the face of Zionism/Israel. By asserting the existence of a distinct ethnic community, Palestinian nationalism eroded the broader ethno - political construct of the Arab nation. At the same time, the speaker revealed the ambivalence of Palaestinism - playing a leading role in the anti-Israeli resistance, it gave a new impetus to the idea of Arab unity through the creation of a common Arab space, and trying to implement the project of a national state, it turned into a semblance of other "country" nationalisms in the Arab world.

A. V. Sarabyev's report "Caliphatists versus" national-oriented "Islamists" was devoted to the analysis of the correlation between universalism and particularism in the radical Islamist movement. One trend, the" caliphatists", represented at the current historical stage primarily by the Islamic State, which announced the creation of a caliphate on the territory of Iraq and Syria, uses a universal ideology that appeals to the community of people of the same faith, excluding any other faith and the secular nature of power structures. Another trend is represented by Islamists, whose actions are aimed at creating "national states". These include militants from Hamas, other Palestinian armed groups, Egyptian Islamists, and religious extremists from Syria.

Section 2 "Historical aspects of the problem of nation and nationalism". V. V. Orlov (ISAA MSU) in his report" Arab national identity " formulated the key concepts used in the Arab world to define the Arab national identity, showed the dynamics of their refinement from the end of the XIX century to the present day. The speaker emphasized the contradictory influence of colonialism and Western civilization in general on the development of Arab nationalism. He noted the revision of the goals and objectives of Arab self-identification by Arab ideologists after the collapse of the Ottoman historical and cultural space and the national-oriented state construction initiated by M. K. Ataturk. The formation of individual States in the Arab world was accompanied by the development of criteria for self-determination for individual Arab nations. The report outlined the views of Arab nationalists on the Islamic faith as an "agent of integration" of the Arab world.

S. F. Oreshkova (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) in her report "Islam and ethnic identification of Muslim peoples (the Ottoman experience)", starting from the Arab experience of the formation of nations, focused on the example of the Ottoman imperial construction. The Ottomans did not aim to assimilate the conquered peoples, introducing the principle of preserving the ethno-religious communities that existed separately under the rule of Islam, which helped preserve the ethnic communities that had previously developed in the Ottoman territory. At the same time, this policy hindered interethnic and interfaith communication, and later the preservation of imperial unity, and slowed down the development of national consciousness of individual peoples, especially the Turks themselves. Neither the success of Europeanization, nor pan-Islamism, nor pan-Turkism helped the Ottomans to preserve their empire. Turkish nationalism developed only in the struggle with the colonial powers to preserve their own national statehood.

S. M. Ravandi-Fadai's report "The concept of 'nation' in the works of Iranian historians " traced the differences in the interpretation of the definitions of nation and nationalism in the works of a number of major Iranian historians and the complexity of modern interethnic relations in Iran. The ideological justification of Iranian nationalism was hindered by the "provocations" of external forces, as well as the presence of ethnic communities separated by borders with neighboring states. The speaker revealed the peculiarities of ethnic composition and ethno-nationalism in the western, south-eastern regions of the country and in the center of the country.

A.V. Vitol (Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg) in his report "Turkey's entry into the European Concert: European Understanding and conflict with Islam "stated that after the Crimean War, the Ottoman Empire was considered a full member of the European Union.

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communities. After the Sultan's Hatt-i Humayun of 1856, reforms began in it, but the determination of the Ottoman reformers was restrained by the so-called "Islamic factor". Ottoman Islam at that time was under great pressure from Salafis and Wahhabis. In the people, who had a stable Islamic mentality, the reforms caused "psychological breakdown". All this explains the great difficulties that faced the Ottoman-Turkish reformers.

A.V. Boldyrev's report "The role of the Russian factor in ethnopolitical processes in the Ottoman Empire"was devoted to the same period of Ottoman history. At that time, European countries were in favor of preserving the Ottoman Empire and preserving the status quo in the situation of its non-Turkish Christian peoples. Russia, forced to adhere to the same position, did not raise the question of supporting the national liberation movement of the Balkan peoples. However, the revival of its power after the Crimean War and its offensive policy contributed to the maturation of national consciousness in the Balkans and ethnic cohesion within the empire (the Romanian principalities, the unity of Crete with Greece, etc.).

V. I. Shlykov (ISAA MSU) analyzed the policy of the Turkish state, primarily its leader K. M. Ataturk, aimed at creating the concept of Turkish nationalism in the early 1930s. The report traced consistent efforts to establish a committee and society for the study of Turkish history, hold congresses, and publish fundamental works. Nationalism was based on the principle of common language and historical past, while Islam was completely excluded from the set of characteristics that form the Turkish nation. The speaker emphasized that Ataturk's Turkish nationalism was both territorial (geographically limited compared to the Ottoman one) and ethnic, while language was put forward as the main feature of ethnicity. Therefore, in Turkey in the 1930s, much attention was paid to the development of the national Turkish language, the creation of works that justified its special historical role.

L. A. Chereshneva (Lipetsk State Pedagogical University). un-t) reported on new material it had extracted from the National Archives of India. They shed light on the situation around the large Indian principality of Hyderabad, which developed at the initial stage of Indian independence (1947-1949). The peculiarity of the principality, located in the center of the country, was that the majority of the population was Hindu, and the rulers, army and police consisted of Muslims. The speaker pointed out the reasons that did not allow the ruler of the principality (Nizam) to create a separate Muslim state, and revealed the shallow roots of Hyderabad nationalism.

Section "Political and ideological specifics of the Islamic world" N. G. Kireev (Institute of Islamic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences) in his report on the concept of Islamic-Turkic synthesis, considered some approaches to such an ideology and the experience of its application by the well-known political and religious figure F. Gulen, who now lives in the United States and is in opposition to the Turkish authorities.

B. M. Yagudin (Kazan) in his report "Kemalism and the formation of the political and ideological foundations of the "Third Republic" in Turkey" emphasized that at the first stage of its development, Kemalism became a kind of national liberation ideology that mobilized quite a wide mass of the population of Anatolia to fight the interventionists. The further evolution of Kemalism was conditioned by its adaptation to the goal of building a national state and a unified Turkish nation based on the system of values of European civilization. After the Second World War, the principles of Kemalist ideology underwent a certain revision. Another period of actualization of Kemalism, somewhat modified, but retaining the main postulates, began after the military coup of September 12, 1980. The speaker is skeptical about the use of the term "neokemalism" in relation to the authoritarian rule of the current President of Turkey, R. T. Erdogan, referring to his Islamist past. Therefore, he proposes a thesis on the convergence of moderate Islamism with the theory and practice of Kemalism in modern Turkey.

The report of I. G. Saetov (VGBIL) examined some features of the combination of Islam and Turkish nationalism in the ideology of the Justice and Development Party, which has been in power in the country for more than 10 years. According to the speaker, both Islam and nationalism are often used by the authorities as a tool to legitimize their rule. At the same time, according to the results of various sociological studies, the result of the authorities ' efforts is not so much the growth of religious society in Turkey, but the Islamization of public space, which at the current stage of development is not the same.

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E. V. Dunaeva (IB RAS) analyzed new trends in the national policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran during the short tenure of President of the Islamic Republic of Iran. N. A. Filin (RSUH) considered the reasons for the emergence of a strong opposition movement in Iran during the 2009 presidential campaign and the factors that caused the so-called Green Movement to leave the political arena in the future. I. R. Gibadullin (IEMI, Kazan) presented the results of an analysis of the interaction of two principles of Islam and nationalism in the ideology of one of the leading figures of the Islamic movement in Iran in the 1960s and 1970s. Ayatollahs M. Motahhiri. The speaker noted that Motahhiri managed to formulate the concept of a nation based on the"Touhid ideology". He tried to combine the ideas of Iranian nationalism and Islamic unity, which at first glance seem incompatible. The Ayatollah recognized the existence of the Iranian nation and justified its exclusivity, but gave the concept of nation a content that was not limited to national boundaries, but reached the level of pan-Islamic unity and even solidarity of anti-imperialist forces around the world. Islam in Motahhiri's concept does not replace the historical and civilizational subjectivity of the Iranian nation, its ability to create on a large scale, but acts as a core element of this subjectivity.

V. N. Moskalenko (IB RAS) in his report "Islam and state nationalism in Pakistan" emphasized that the strengthening of Islam led to its radicalization, the development of extremism, and the logic of Islamism led to the use of extreme measures to create a "genuine Islamic state" and eliminate all its opponents. This process was greatly facilitated by the events in neighboring countries-the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the "jihad" in Afghanistan, the acute struggle in Kashmir under Islamic banners, etc. Various extremist, terrorist, and paramilitary parties and organizations (including the Pakistani Taliban) have emerged in Pakistan with close ties to militants in Afghanistan, Kashmir, and other regions. Today in Pakistan, the question is not about the priority of Islam or nationalism, but about the political predominance of moderate or radical Islamism. The Speaker believes that the resolution of this issue will largely depend on external forces and circumstances, while the predominant positions inside Pakistan are undoubtedly occupied by moderate forces.

I. R. Safargaleev (Institute of CIS Countries) described the positive potential of Sufism (tasawwuf) for overcoming interethnic conflicts in the Islamic world, in particular in Central Asia. As an example, the speaker cited the direction of the famous Naqshbandiyya-mujadidiyya Sufi order headed by the Pakistani Sheikh A. Zulfiqar. This tariqa (direction) is distinguished by genuine internationalism, while a number of others deviate from the norm and do not contribute to interethnic unity.

The report of E. S. Melkumyan (RSUH) reviewed the activities of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to ensure the security of its member countries. She noted that the Council is a multifunctional organization, but one of its most important functions is to ensure regional and national security. Cooperation in countering internal and external threats has been strengthened since the conclusion of the security Agreement in 2013. However, this did not prevent the emergence of a further crisis in Qatar's relations with Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates, but it was overcome thanks to the interest of all members of the association in its successful activities.

Irina Ivanova (MGIMO) in her report "Turkey in the Middle East" stressed that Turkey has been experiencing a serious crisis in relations with Damascus, Tehran, Baghdad and Tel Aviv in recent years, and with Cairo since the summer of 2013. Ankara sees itself as a regional dominant force in the Middle East developments and pursues a "projective policy". Erdogan's government has strongly condemned the military's overthrow of Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi, prompting its allies to exert political pressure on the new regime in Egypt. Since the second half of 2011, the Turkish leadership has been committed to supporting the forces seeking to overthrow the Assad regime in Syria. Meanwhile, by 2014, the Syrian opposition was almost split, with the strongest positions being held by its radical Islamic segment.

O. P. Chekrizova (Institute of Internal Affairs of the Russian Academy of Sciences) in her report on Sunni-Shiite contradictions in Pakistan noted that they are one of the factors determining the country's internal political development and carry a high potential for conflict. At the same time, they continue to get complicated

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relations between the leading Sunni socio-political movements, which rely on the authority of the Ulama of the rival Barelvi and Deobandi schools, and between the Shiite socio-political movements. Along with the internal origins of the policy of Islamization (according to the Sunni canons of the Deoband school), which was carried out from the turn of the 1970s to the 1980s, the radicalization of Islamic trends and the growth of tension in inter-confessional relations were promoted by external processes, primarily regional competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran.

Section "Cultural, economic and social aspects of nationalism". A. A. Suvorova's report on Pakistani nationalism and its reflection in literary works highlighted ideal models that go back to the ideas of the "founding fathers" of Pakistan, which appeared in 1947. Iqbal and M. A. Jinnah. Both models fell far short of the established principles of religious unity. At the same time, they are reflected in popular patriotic songs created both immediately after the formation of Pakistan and later. These included the first draft of the national anthem "Song of Pakistan", the official anthem " Sacred Land "(1952) and the song "Pakistan in the Heart" (1987).

P. V. Shlykov (ISAA MSU) in his report "Nationalism in the daily practice of Turkish mass media" carried out a comparative analysis of the publications of Turkish national newspapers and online publications in the period from the beginning of 2000 to 2014 in terms of the intensity of the use of nationalist rhetoric and national symbols. According to the speaker, the Turkish mass media daily label their materials with nationalistic phrases and formulas that are so deeply integrated into the very fabric of newspapers that they often fall out of attention and are perceived as background noise. The everyday practices of ideological coloring of events and assessments formed in this way ensure the continuous reproduction of the nation. The result of the analysis of national media logos is significant: more than 80% of publications use the colors of the Turkish flag (red and white) in their emblems, and almost half of national newspapers somehow beat the Turkish flag in their emblems. At the same time, the political orientation of publications actually correlates very poorly with the level of everyday nationalist rhetoric, stylistic techniques, etc. Thus, nationalism acts as a "common denominator" for many political trends in Turkey.
At. Okimbekov (IB RAS), studying demographic and socio-ecological problems of modern Afghanistan, highlighted the shortage of water and energy resources. The Afghan population has doubled over the past 30 years and the demand for resources, primarily land, water and fuel, has increased accordingly. Every year there is a growing shortage of drinking and irrigation water. The groundwater level continues to decline. The widespread use of wood leads to the destruction of woodlands, the area of which has more than tripled since the middle of the XX century (to 1.0-1.3 million hectares). The current Afghan authorities, together with international organizations, are trying to solve the difficult problems facing the depressed nation-state, but the effectiveness of the measures taken in conditions of deep poverty and low literacy of the population (especially women) remains small.

N. A. Zamaraeva (IB RAS) highly appreciated the role of the Pakistani army in protecting the country's democratic institutions and national interests. She noted that due to the peculiarities of Pakistan's development, the armed forces have become one of the most powerful factors in domestic political life. In recent years, the army has been advocating for the preservation of the parliamentary form of government and does not seek to take power into its own hands. This was clearly demonstrated by the political crisis that broke out in the country in August-September 2014. The army essentially supported the current government, preventing opposition forces from destabilizing the situation and causing severe upheavals that could damage national interests.

G. V. Lukyanov (Higher School of Economics) 'The Regular Army as an institution of the National State in Libya' highlighted the stages of evolution of the political role of the Libyan army over the past quarter of a century. 2014 can serve as a starting point for the restoration of the armed forces as a full-fledged institution of a secular national state. This was preceded by the initiation by Islamic radicals from the interim Parliament of a set of measures to Islamize the way of life of Libyans, the structure and policy of the state. Radical measures were supported by small factions and associations in the parliament only for tactical reasons. Lack of broad support for radical IP plans-

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The Lamists were allowed by the military, led by General X. Haftar in May 2014 to launch a military-police operation against armed detachments and brigades of extreme Islamists. At the same time, the army stated that the parliament had lost its independence and failed to fulfill its obligations to the people. The new military-political elite openly declared its rejection of any cooperation with the Islamists and its intention to resolutely resist the Islamist expansion.

V. I. Sazhin (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) highlighted the national and psychological characteristics of the inhabitants of Iran, emphasizing that all Iranians are united by religiosity and nationalism. Against the background of the mosaic ethnic composition of the population of Iran, there is uniformity in its religious beliefs - 99.4% profess Islam (Shiites-90-95%, Sunnis 5-10%). Zoroastrians, Jews, and Christians together make up less than 0.3%. Iranians ' religiosity, which enters their subconscious mind through traditions, customs, customs, habits and tastes, is the main component of the Persian national psychology and character. Although in the Islamic Republic nationalism as a philosophical, political and ideological phenomenon is denied by the official concept of Khomeini's pan-Islamic neo-Shiism, at the national and psychological level it is encouraged and cultivated by Iranian propaganda, under the guise of Shiite chauvinism of the Iranian model.

In her report "The Persian language as a factor of national integration (20s of the XX century-the beginning of the XXI century)", M. S. Kameneva (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) analyzed the role of the language factor in the processes of national integration and consolidation in Iran. During the Shah's period, the Persian language served as an important tool for implementing the policy of great-power Iranian nationalism and pan-Iranism based on the triune formula "one state, one nation, one language". In the first decade after the Islamic Revolution (1979), integration through the Persian language was replaced by consolidation along the path of Muslim solidarity (Khomeini's Islamism was opposed to the nationalism of the Pahlavi dynasty). In the following decades, the official attitude to the Persian language acquired a focus that corresponded to the general concept of Iranian culture. It is again given an important place, and the very concept of "Iranian nation" tends to go beyond state borders.

I. N. Serenko (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) in her report "Urduization of the Pakistani school as an integral part of the national policy of the state" emphasized that since the formation of Pakistan, the struggle for preserving the unity of the country has not stopped, which required the development of the concept of Pakistani national identity. In this concept, a large role was assigned to the state language Urdu. An important component of the state's policy was the Urduization of school education, designed to create a sense of patriotism and belonging to the united Pakistani nation among citizens. But the current ethno-linguistic situation in the country does not allow the state to fully solve the problem of interethnic contradictions, which complicates the process of national integration and the implementation in practice of the idea of a common Pakistani identity, including through the Urduization of the Pakistani education system.

Section "Ethnonationalism and ethnic movements". I. V. Ryzhov (Nizhny Novgorod State University) un-t) in his report "Ethnic Problems in modern Iran" argued that the Islamic Republic of Iran is an imperial-type country with a complex ethnic structure, in which numerous ethnic minorities seek autonomy. He paid special attention to Azerbaijanis as the largest national minority with a pronounced sense of national identity and a certain desire for separatism, despite the rather high level of involvement of Azerbaijani territories and representatives of Azerbaijani communities in national social and economic processes and in power structures, up to the highest ones. Ethnic protest movements periodically arise in the Azerbaijani provinces, and a number of illegal nationalist groups operate, including the National Awakening Movement of Southern Azerbaijan. Although during the Ahmadinejad government (2005-2013) it was possible to reduce the degree of separatism by opening national schools and publishing newspapers, magazines and books in the Azerbaijani language, the potential of separatist sentiments remains. An analysis of the situation in other provinces inhabited by ethnic minorities (Balochs, Arabs) suggests that the existing interethnic contradictions can be used by external forces to weaken the regime.

If for Iran the "pain points" of the national problem are issues related to the situation in Azerbaijan, Kurdistan, Baluchistan, and Arab Khuzestan, then the Kurdish problem remains the most acute in Turkey. Reports on the Kurdish topic became the most popular

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It is controversial, especially in connection with the expansion of the Islamic State (IS) terrorist organization that began in 2014.

I. A. Svistunova (RISI), in her report on the Turkish strategy for developing relations with Iraqi Kurdistan, stressed that in recent decades Turkey has been rethinking the very concept of national identity. In her opinion, this process is currently greatly influenced by Turkey's policy towards Iraqi Kurdistan, Ankara's more flexible policy towards Turkish Kurds against the background of expanding economic and political ties between Turkey and the Kurdish regions of Iraq.

As K. V. Vertyaev (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) noted in his report "The specifics of the Kurdish national movement in the context of forming the foundations of the Kurdish national identity", the formation of the national identity of the multi-million Kurdish ethnic group is still at the stage of consolidation. The issue of national self-determination of Kurds in the past and at the present time largely depends on their position on the formation of a national independent Kurdish state. After describing various views on this issue, the speaker focused on the experience of the Syrian Kurds who formed the Kurdish self-government "Rojava" of the cantonal type in 2014. Thus, they are trying, as K. V. Vertyaev believes, to create a new model of socio-political democratic structure in the fight against ISIL. Perhaps the ideas of tolerance they proclaim can change the ideology of Kurdish nationalism, shifting its focus from the concept of a national state to the concept of democratic federalism within existing state borders.

A. G. Hajiyev (IB RAS) in his report "Problems of national Minorities in Turkey" paid attention to the influence of the European Union on Turkey's solution of the national problem. A prerequisite for Turkey's admission to the EU is the implementation of large-scale legislative reforms to protect freedom of thought, conscience and religion. The 2014 EU Development Report on Turkey focuses on the issue of official recognition of Cemevi, places of religious worship for Alevi Muslims. In general, Europe recognized that the dialogue between representatives of national minorities and the Turkish Government was quite successful in 2013-2014. In Turkey, the use of national languages, especially Kurdish, in public life has become commonplace. Nevertheless, the EU considers the Kurdish problem not fully resolved, and it is viewed differently by the EU and the Turkish leadership. Kurds, in accordance with Turkish law, do not belong to the category of national minorities. EU representatives disagree with this position of Ankara and believe that the Kurdish issue should be considered both within the framework of recognition of national rights and respect for "human rights and freedoms".

O. Nessar (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences), analyzing demographic changes in recent years in the report "Ethno-tribal factor and political process in modern Afghanistan", came to the conclusion that there have been noticeable changes in the ethnic structure of the Afghan population, in particular, the share of Pashtuns has decreased. At the same time, political factors influenced the change in the situation of various ethnic groups. The transition of power to the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) in 1978 provided ample opportunities for strengthening certain ethnic groups. During the civil war of the 1990s, ethnic groups (Pashtuns, Tajiks, Uzbeks, Hazaras) demonstrated the ability to defend their interests by armed means. In post-Taliban Afghanistan (since 2001), the role and importance of solidarity based on shared ethnic roots continues to grow.

Speaking at the report "Tribalism of the Afghan society: its manifestation in power structures and in the armed opposition", Yu. P. Laletin (MGI (U)The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation) stressed that all the peoples of Afghanistan, with the exception of the Tajiks, still have a tribal division, which means maintaining patron-client relations, clan ties,tribal militia, and ownership of the tribal territory. Such a system affects the political life of the country, which is expressed in the attitude towards the head of state as a tribal leader who redistributes resources. The clan and clientele remain the main cells of society, on the basis of which both the power and opposition elites are formed. This state of society is largely the source of its instability, the reason for Afghanistan's difficult relations with the external environment, in particular with the border areas of neighboring countries, primarily Pakistan.

N. M. Gorbunova's report "Permanent crisis of the Lebanese State: the role of the ethno-confessional factor" noted that the political instability of Lebanon is at the root of the problem.

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To a large extent, there are contradictions between the main ethnic and religious groups of the population and the political forces that rely on them. The report's description of the Sunni-Shiite contradictions, the situation of Maronite Christians and the views of various groups on the structure of State power allowed the speaker to assume that the state crisis in Lebanon will not be overcome in the foreseeable future.

In her report "Problems of National Muslim Minorities in Modern China", L. P. Chernikova (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) touched upon the demographic aspect of the problem, the peculiarities of the ethnic composition and social structure of Chinese Muslims. She focused on the political aspect-Muslim communalism and separatism. Describing the activities of Muslim community parties and organizations, the difficult relations between the authorities and the Muslim population, the speaker touched upon issues of discrimination in the field of education, attempts to gross assimilation of Muslims, ignoring their food bans, restrictions on political activity (for belonging to Islam), lack of freedom in the open expression of religious duty (schoolchildren and students can be detained at the mosque), restrictions on the Muslim pilgrimage (Hajj), especially for young people. Muslims in China do not have the opportunity to purchase religious books, and the Internet and mobile communications are cut off. Under the guise of fighting drug addiction, the authorities seek to establish total control, which leads to an inevitable round of new outrages of the Islamic population, to the demand to stop regulating by rough methods. The government's actions have reinforced separatist sentiments that resulted in protests during the 2008 Olympics, which were severely suppressed by Chinese police.
At the final plenary session of the conference, reports on Islam in the system of modern international relations and related issues were heard. V. V. Koryakin's report (RISS) discussed the problem of degradation of secular state structures in the Arab world, which occurred against the background of the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, against a broad historical background. The globalization of recent decades has called into question the basic paradigms in the consciousness of Arab society-nationalism and socialism, on the basis of which states were built according to the Western model in the second half of the XX century. In the Arab-Muslim world, globalization is accompanied by a rise in linguistic, cultural and confessional self-assertion. A comparative analysis of the role of political institutions in Europe and the Arab world led V. V. Karyakin to conclude that there is a minimal level of institutionalization in the Middle East, which creates a significant degree of uncertainty in the development of the socio-political situation, an increase in social entropy, and an increase in threats and challenges to regional security.

In their joint report, L. M. Kulagin and V. M. Akhmedov (both from the Institute of Strategic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences) noted that the strengthening of the positions of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria and the beginning of the military operation of the international coalition forces against it significantly changed the balance of forces in the Middle East. The new developments have challenged Iran's policy of maintaining and strengthening its influence in the Middle East region. At the same time, IS seeks to overthrow existing Arab regimes in Arab countries other than Iraq and Syria. It can therefore pose a potential threat to the stability of Saudi Arabia and other Gulf Arab monarchies. The report noted the ambivalence of Iran's attitude towards ISIS. Even the implementation of some of the plans of the Islamic State can become a threat to the integrity of the Islamic Republic of Iran, whose population consists of various ethnic and religious communities. At the same time, Iran is impressed by the anti-Western attitude of the Islamic State, and it expects to use this factor as an element of pressure on the West on the nuclear issue. Tehran may be hoping that the actions of ISIS will force the United States to recognize Tehran as part of the newly emerging regional security system in the Middle East.

In her report "Elements of Pan-Iranism in Iran's Foreign Policy", Irina Fedorova (Institute of Political Sciences of the Russian Academy of Sciences) noted that pan-Iranism, which emphasizes the genetic unity of the Iranian peoples and the need for their cultural and political union, is not officially used in the domestic political paradigm of Iran. Nevertheless, when building a foreign policy in the eastern direction, in particular in Afghanistan and Tajikistan, the Iranian leadership relies not only on its political and economic component and confessional community with the peoples of these countries, but also on their ethno-cultural unity. If necessary, Tehran creates an educational and cultural infrastructure of a pro-Iranian orientation, using individual slogans and ideas of pan-Iranians.

In the report of S. D. Makhnev (Nizhny Novgorod State University) "Reaction of non-regional players to the first stage of the "Arab Spring" in Egypt " outlined the thesis on the feasibility of adding

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a statement about the major changes that the global international system (GMS) is experiencing today, as occurring according to the "top-down" model and their "bottom-up"interpretation. The validity of this approach was proved by the events of the "Arab Spring". The speaker noted the special importance of the internal reasons that served as the basis for mass protests in Egypt. At the same time, external factors also played a role, in particular, the US's approval of political reforms and its willingness to refuse support to President X. "for the sake of principle." To Mubarak, his longtime ally. The speaker analyzed the reaction of third-party players to the current events. Drawing conclusions about the reaction of the international community to the first stage of the Egyptian revolution, Makhnev stressed that it did not adhere to a single position and was unanimous only in calling for an end to violence and the start of a peaceful dialogue, without taking any active steps to support the former government and the opposition.

D. S. Plotnikov's report (Perm) "The Russian question in Kazakhstan and Russia's soft Power" noted that the reunification of Crimea with Russia, which took place with the support of the Russian population of the peninsula, caused concern in Kazakhstan, whose northern and north-eastern territories are inhabited by people who identify with Russian culture and history. The subsequent uprising in the Donbas only increased the fears of the Kazakh elite. As a result, Astana has become more active in the field of migration policy, which aims to increase the number of Kazakhs in the northern territories of Kazakhstan. The Kazakh leadership has always paid close attention to the ethno-regional imbalance and tried to level out the differences between the Kazakh south and the predominantly Russian north. For the" Kazakhization " of the northern territories, a set of measures was taken - the transfer of the capital from Alma-Ata to Astana, which was held in 1997. administrative-territorial reform, which was aimed at" diluting " the northern regions of Kazakhstan, where the Russian population prevailed, by annexing the territories inhabited by Kazakhs, a program of resettlement of Kazakhs from abroad (Uzbekistan, China, Mongolia, Turkmenistan and Russia). Together with the outflow of Russians from Kazakhstan and the demographic growth of the Kazakh people, especially in the rural southern provinces, these measures have somewhat changed the ethnic ratio in Kazakhstan: the share of Russians, according to official statistics, decreased from 37.8 % in 1989 to 21.5% in 2014. However, the policy of Kazakh repatriation implemented by the authorities has contributed to an increase in conflict due to the difficulty of adaptation displaced persons.

The report of M. A. Suchkov (Pyatigorsk) "On the impact of the current Middle East dynamics on the Caucasus" noted that the radical socio-political transformations in the entire Middle East as a result of the "Arab Spring", the change in the political status quo in the region and the growing threat of radical Islamism have created serious challenges not only for the states of the Middle East, but also for and beyond. These processes pose particular risks to the security and stability of the North Caucasus, which is one of the most vulnerable regions of Russia to external influence. The report analyzed the main channels of influence of the Middle East situation on the situation in various republics of the North Caucasus and considered the prospects for its development.

The conference program included reports that were not read out for one reason or another. Among them are the report of experts from Kazakhstan G. K. Mukanova and Sh. S. Nurzhanova "Turkey Central Asia-Kazakhstan" and the report of a young Iranian researcher studying in Kazan M. H. Shahidani "Iran's foreign policy during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah".

Summing up the results of the conference, N. M. Mammadova noted that the general leitmotif of the reports on ethnic issues was the statement that the explosive situation in the countries of the Near and Middle East and adjacent areas is largely related to the complex ethnic and confessional situation, incomplete processes of ethnic and national self-identification, and mistakes in the implementation of national policies. Ulchenko concluded that the assessment of the current situation in the Muslim region south of the borders of the Caucasus and Central Asia revealed a polarity of opinions. Some speakers and panelists held alarmist views, suggesting that anti-State militant groups such as al-Qaeda and the Islamic State will expand the scope of their destructive influence, increasing the number of victims among the population and causing hard-to-repair material damage.

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From the point of view of some participants in the discussion, States in the region retain the necessary capacity and can effectively fight extremists, using international support and relying on the majority of the population and society as a whole. This, in particular, concerns the states of Central Asia and the Persian Gulf. V. Ya. Belokrenitsky emphasized the exceptional relevance and versatility of the topics chosen for the conference. The scientific discussion of the problems of nationalism and nationalism in the Muslim East, in his opinion, met expectations. It helped to concretize the ambivalence of the phenomenon of the nation as a civil and ethnic community and to some extent clarify the question of the specifics of this phenomenon in the Islamic world.

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