Tehran, Markaze chap va entesharate vasarate omure hareje, 1390 (2011/2012). 352 p.*

Mehdi Sanai, Professor of the University of Tehran, head of the Center for Eurasian Studies, Member of the Iranian Parliament, is well known to the Russian audience. He is actively engaged in studying the processes taking place in the former USSR, and constantly pays special attention to the study of the problems of the Central Asian region. Two of his works dealing with Iran's relations with the states of this region were published in Russian: "Relations between Iran and the countries of Central Asia: History and Modernity (political Analysis)" (Almaty, 1997) and "Relations between Iran and the Central Asian countries of the CIS. Socio-political and economic aspects" (Moscow, 2002).

The peer-reviewed monograph in Persian is a more in-depth and extended study of Iran's policy in Central Asia. The author's close interest in this region is explained not only by the geographical proximity of Central Asia with Iran, but also by their close historical and cultural community. At the same time, according to the author, the significance of this region is determined by the fact that it should be considered as "the heir to the vast economic space of the Great Silk Road and as a link between East Asia and Europe, North and South of the Asian continent" (p. 1). The presence of large reserves of energy raw materials increases the geostrategic and geo-economic role of the region and it attracts broad international attention.

The topic of the paper is extremely relevant for Iran, the new Central Asian states, as well as for Russia, as it is directly related to the formation of the southern vector of its foreign policy. Over the past decade, Russia has gradually increased its presence in the region, both through bilateral ties and through regional organizations. Analysis of similar trends in Iran's foreign policy is extremely important for developing optimal forms of political and economic cooperation between Russia and the countries of the region.

Mehdi Sanai. Iran's relations with Central Asian States: Processes and prospects. Tehran: Publishing House of the Center for International Political Studies of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic of Iran, 1390 (2011/2012). 352 p.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, relations with the Central Asian states became one of the priorities of Iran's foreign policy, which became even more relevant for the Iranian side in connection with the escalated confrontation with the United States. Moreover, according to the author, Iran's approach to developing relations with the new states of the region was realistic and pragmatic, "with the exception of a short period of the formation of independent states, when Tehran tried to rely on the religious factor" (p. 6). However, despite the presence of favorable prerequisites for strengthening bilateral relations, Iran failed take a leading position in the international relations system of this region.

Analysis of Iran's policy, identification of the causes of failures, and identification of the most appropriate areas for strengthening its position in Central Asia formed the main content of Sanai's work. It seems that its structure is quite well correlated with the tasks set by the researcher. The system-historical approach used by the author allowed us to analyze both the historical interrelations of the states of the region with the Iranian civilization, and the multi-complex processes of the formation of relations between the Central Asian states and Iran in the modern period through the contact and clash of geostrategic interests of regional and other powers.

In the first chapter, the scientist outlines the political, economic and socio-cultural situation of five states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan), traces attempts to implement reforms, power crises, and examines the social specifics and economic problems of the region. He emphasizes that the paradigm of relations between the countries of the region and Iran and the leading countries of the world depends on these processes. Noting that "external forces determine the strategy of reform in this region" (p. 6), the author pays great attention to the presentation of the main concepts of economic modernization and democratization of the region proposed by the West. Speaking about the difficulties of practical implementation of the developed models, M. Sanai believes that the leaders of Central Asian states prefer stability to democratization.

The author examines the significance and role of the Islamic factor in the region and notes that Islam has become a determining factor in the processes of structural adjustment, i.e. it has become, in his words, "part of the state". Based on this, he believes that all non-regional forces seeking to control the situation in this region, openly or covertly, should take into account the religious sentiments of its peoples.

The next chapters of the reviewed work are devoted to the analysis of the political, economic and cultural relations of Iran with the Central Asian states. Noting that the priority of relations with this region for Iran is primarily due to security considerations and economic interests, the author pays great attention to studying the peculiarities of the country's foreign policy under the governments of A. A. Hashemi Rafsanjani, M. Khatami and M. Ahmadinejad and concludes that geostrategic and geo-economic factors played a more significant role in building this course, than ideological aspirations.

Based on drawing on a large volume of statistical materials and documents from the Central Asian and Iranian countries, M. Sanai examines in detail the development of Iran's political and economic contacts with each of the states, assesses the positive aspects and identifies weaknesses in bilateral relations between the states. His general analysis of the region's economic potential allowed him to determine Iran's objective needs for relations with the regional market and its capabilities in justifying its ambitions for regional leadership. The author notes the insufficient efforts of the Iranian side in defending national interests in the implementation of regional projects, as well as the lack of a well-thought-out policy for the development of political and economic ties that takes into account the socio-economic characteristics of each of the five countries in the region.

M. Sanai pays great attention to the analysis of regionalization processes and the level of regional cooperation within the SCO and ECO, and separately considers the role that Iran could play in the regionalization processes in the Middle East and Central Asia. According to M. Sanaei, Iran is a key state, a "heartland" for these processes, a center for the formation of a large region, a link between the Persian Gulf region and Central Asia.

The author considers the processes observed in Central Asia over the past two decades in the context of the policy of extra-regional forces. He identifies Russia, China, Turkey, the United States, the EU, and Israel as the main players in the region, and describes in sufficient detail the role and policies of each of them. Due to the fact that Central Asia is now playing a key role in the global economy in terms of its transport and energy potential, the implementation of the following projects:

The development of large transnational transport and energy corridors has turned into a center of intersection of interests not only of Iran and the Central Asian countries, but also of third countries, including such major powers as Russia, China and the United States. In this regard, the author's conclusion is noteworthy that "the policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region does not contradict the actions of most of the largest players in the region" (p. 119). It can be assumed that the author also includes Russia among them.

M. Sanai states that, despite the existence of some opposing aspirations in the policy of Moscow and Tehran, for example, in the field of transportation of hydrocarbons, the two countries also have common interests.

Regarding the possibility of resolving the Caspian Sea problem, the author expresses a special opinion. He is confident that any use of the Caspian Sea resources should take into account the long-term interests of the Caspian littoral countries, and the Caspian Sea should remain a demilitarized zone. Russia and Iran are particularly concerned about the construction of pipelines under the Caspian Sea intended for the transportation of energy carriers, due to possible negative consequences for the environment. It is important not only to consider the Caspian Sea from the point of view of trade and economic development, but also to pay attention to the issues of protecting the environment and preserving marine resources for future generations. Among Iranian politicians and scientists, there are different views on how to solve the Caspian problem. M. Sanai believes that the establishment of the Organization of the Caspian Economic Cooperation can make a significant contribution to the creation of a regional security system in the Caspian Sea region.

The author considers the main threat to Iran to be the penetration and strengthening of the influence of the United States, Israel and European countries in Central Asia, since by their actions these countries directly counteract Iran's policy and weaken its position, and the very fact of the appearance of "hostile states" (as the author calls them) on the borders of Iran poses a challenge to state security. He explains the failures of the Iranian policy in the region by the actions of these extra-regional players.

It is noteworthy that M. Sanaei cannot move away from ideological cliches and instead of the name "State of Israel" uses the cliche "Zionist regime", which is traditional for Iranian rhetoric. Throughout the study, the author is convinced of the special international significance of the victory of the Islamic revolution in Iran and the possibility of" exporting " the model of Islamic rule to neighboring Muslim states. However, if such statements can be considered not quite appropriate for a serious scientist-researcher, then they are not only permissible, but also "mandatory" for a political functionary.

Among the comments addressed to the author of the study, it is necessary to include the absence of mention of the international community's attitude to the problem of Iran's development of the nuclear program, the introduction and tightening of sanctions that are not only economic, but also political in nature. It seems that this fact plays a significant role in shaping the negative image of Iran in the region and significantly hinders the growth of its regional influence. It is obvious that for an author who develops international topics, it is unproductive to ignore this problem.

A separate chapter of the study is devoted to the analysis of Tehran's cultural policy in the region. Considerable attention is paid to the characteristics of Iran's cultural and ideological potential, the common cultural heritage, and the forms of cultural ties, including such aspects as support for the Iranian diaspora in Central Asia. Considering the goals and results of cultural policy abroad, M. Sanai, former head of the Cultural representation of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Kazakhstan and Russia, uses such a concept as the Iranian-Islamic civilization, and draws attention to the importance of simultaneously emphasizing the Islamic and Iranian principles in the historical community of the peoples of the region. Based on the fact that it is contacts in the cultural sphere that lead to the strengthening of the state's influence and thus contribute to the promotion of its economic and political interests, M. Sanai notes the insufficiency of Iranian efforts in cultural interaction with the Central Asian countries. Analyzing the causes of failures, he emphasizes the importance of differentiating approaches to policy development in relation to each of the States in this region. Paradoxically, in order to strengthen the effectiveness of Iran's cultural policy, the author suggests reducing the number of organizations and structures engaged in this field abroad.

In the final part of the paper, the author makes suggestions for developing a strategy for the activities of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Central Asia in order to strengthen its position in the region. He believes that the relationship

Relations with this region should be considered as the main foreign policy priorities of the country and develop comprehensively in three areas: politics, economy, and the cultural sphere.

Considering the main possible approaches to the development of a new political line, M. Sanai gives a description of some existing foreign policy concepts in Iran. Only the concepts of "export of revolution" and "dialogue of civilizations"were widely presented and described in Russian Iranian studies. Others are mentioned in this paper, including um ol-gura, which is supported by some factions of the broad political spectrum of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It is very likely that it is shared by the author of the work.

The most important task of Iran should be the formation of the Greater Central Asia region, which includes M. Sanai, in contrast to the American ideologist of this project Fr. It includes not only the five Central Asian states and Afghanistan, but also Iran and Pakistan. This area is the area of formation of the Iranian-Islamic civilization. According to the author, Iran's emphasis on the cultural community of the above-mentioned states will promote its political and economic interests, and the consistent implementation of the idea of a Greater Central Asia will have a positive impact on the development of economic and political integration of the states of this region.

When writing this paper, the author drew on a large amount of statistical materials, used documents, media publications, and monographic works in Persian, English,and Russian. M. Sanai, who has a good command of the Russian language, introduced the works of Russian researchers, including publications by employees of the Institute of Information Technology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, into the scientific circulation of IRI.

Undoubtedly, this study is of great interest to scientists dealing with the problems of Iran, and can be used in the preparation of educational and methodological complexes in universities that train orientalists.

Постоянный адрес данной публикации: