This article is devoted to problematizing the research focus of academic literature on Islamic reformers in the Russian empire. Studies of the late imperial period typically devote the most of their attention to modernization. Jadidists-reformers are considered as key protagonists and engines of history. A typical narrative about Jadidists includes several elements: political activity, reforms in education, the flourishing of journalism, the renewal of religion and the "female question." In this article we consider Jadidism as a narrative about backwardness and progress, which is uncritically reproduced in academic literature. Relying on recollections of Gabdulla Bubi, we offer a reconsideration of the framework that is generally used to describe the intellectual history of Muslims in Russia. We classify Bubi's narrative as a language-ideology and place it within the framework of our own "imperial project". We do so to offer an alternative to Jadidim as an explanatory model.

Keywords: Islam in Russia, Islamic modernism, Jadidism, imperial project.

This work was supported by the RFBR grant 17-81-01042 a (c) "Politicization of the language of religion and sacralization of the language of politics during the Civil War". This article is written in the framework of the NWO research program "The Russian Language of Islam" (project no. 360-70-490). The authors are grateful to I. V. Starodubrovskaya, A. S. Agadzhanyan, V. O. Bobrovnikov and anonymous reviewers for their useful comments and comments on this article.

Bustanov A., Dorodnykh D. Jadidizm kak paradigma v izuchenii islama v Rossiiskoi imperii [Jadidism as a paradigm in the study of Islam in the Russian Empire]. 2017. N 3. pp. 112-133.

Bustanov, Alfrid, Dorodnykh, Daria (2017) "Jadidism as a Paradigm for Studying Islam in the Russian Empire", Gosudarstvo, religiia, tserkou' v Rossii i za rubezhom 35(3): 112-133.

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Introduction

By the BEGINNING OF the 20th century, the multi-million Muslim population lived unevenly in almost all regions of the Russian Empire and had a long experience of interacting with the imperial authorities in a multi-ethnic and multi-confessional context.1 Our article is devoted to how this experience is understood in the scientific literature and how scientific concepts relate to the voices of primary sources.

Even after the archival revolution of the 1990s2, the history of Jadidism still forms the core of our knowledge of Islam in the Russian Empire. It so happens that the controversy surrounding modernity has predetermined the language of scientific description in this area. In fact, we are talking exclusively about the relationship between modernity and Muslims. 3 Therefore, with all the reservations and conventions, for decades now the conversation in the scientific literature has been about Jadids-fans of European progress, and traditionalists-moss-covered lovers of antiquity and exotic Islamic cultures. 4 It is difficult to find a more politicized and comprehensive misconcept than a story about Jadidism - the triumphant struggle of the enlighteners for progress against backwardness, for a secular world against religious obscurantism, for a new journal against an old manuscript. Historians and the Jadids themselves tell us how new people were born in the depths of the "traditional" society, which was exhausted from ignorance and darkness, who boldly stepped forward to meet the advanced Western thought in Russian or Ottoman translations, bringing it closer

1. Review stories of Islam in the Russian Empire include: Islam in the territory of the former Russian Empire: an encyclopedic dictionary / Comp. and ed. by S. M. Prozorov. Vol. 1-5, Vol. I. M.: Vostochnaya literatura, 1998-2012; Russia - Central Asia. Politics and Islam in the XX-early XXI centuries. In 2 volumes, Moscow, 2011; Severny Kavkaz v sostave Rossiiskoi imperii / ed. by V. O. Bobrovnikov, I. L. Babich. Moscow: NLO, 2007; Turkestan v impererskoi politike Rossii: Monograph in documents / ed. by T. V. Kotyukova, Moscow: Kuchkovo pole, 2016; Central Asia as part of the Russian Empire, Moscow: UFO, 2008.

2. An overview of the achievements of the archival revolution in the study of Islam in Russia is presented in the special issue of Ab Imperio, 2008 (Issue 4).

3. Например: Tuna, M. (2015) Imperial Russia's Muslims: Islam, Empire, and European Modernity, 1788-1914. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

4. A detailed analysis and critique of this dichotomy is presented in the special collection: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 59. Beyond Modernism: Rethinking Islam in Russia, Central Asia and Western China (19th-20th Centuries), 2016, Special Issue ed. by Jeff Eden, Paolo Sartori and Devin DeWeese.

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thus, the inevitable modernization and Europeanization of society. The perception of" European " ideas becomes a category of temporality, separating the traditional past and the modern present / future.5 Clean-shaven, wearing a European suit, hat and glasses, caring for the benefit of the people, speaking good Russian-this is the ideal"progressive". In a huge turban, Bukhara dressing gown and with the remains of pilaf in his beard - "damned traditionalist". These cartoons are willy-nilly encountered by readers when they get acquainted with the history of Muslims in Russia at the beginning of the XX century. This focus represents the late Empire period as a time of Islamic culture flourishing through its approach to European models in education and the articulation of political ideas.

The central problem in the focus of the historiography of Islam in the Russian Empire is still the study of integration processes, secularization and modernization of Muslims and their mirror image-resistance to imperial power. Briefly, this narrative can be described as follows:: how the exotic and obscure world of Muslims became understandable and "their own" for imperial observers. The Empire obviously sought to homogenize its population, so the best-case scenario for Muslims inside Russia would be to completely dissolve into the categories, practices, languages, and institutions prescribed by imperial power scenarios. In other words, such a statement of the scientific problem (i.e., the question of integration and resistance) largely deprives the Muslims themselves of subjectness, 6 the right to their place in history and their interpretation of the events that took place. The focus of imperial knowledge is attuned to groups of Muslims only when they fall into the field of ideas and practices defined by the imperial context. In all other situations and contexts, Islam is not interesting to external observers. Therefore, the question of integration has created a split among historians into two camps.7
5. Abashin S. Sovetskiy kishlak: mezhdu kolonializmom i modernizatsiey [Soviet Village: between colonialism and modernization]. Moscow: UFO, 2015, pp. 9-15.

6. In fact, the same problem exists in the study of Stalinism and the Soviet subject: Gerasimov, I. (2017)" Becoming a Soviet Plebeian Subject: the Story of Mark Miller Narrated by Himself", Ab Imperio 1: 183-210.

7. Compare close arguments: Sartori, P. (2017)" Exploring the Islamic Legal Field in the Russian Empire: An Introduction", Islamic Law and Society 24(1-2): 1-19.

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The first camp builds a research program based mainly on Russian-language office documents, which show that the Muslims of the Russian Empire were reliably included in the orbit of discussing the practices of subordination and opposition to imperial power.8 The Imperial Archive informs us about phobias and hopes for Russian Muslims, described in categories that officials can understand. This paradigm gives rise to both the idea that Muslims fully accept the imperial "rules of the game" 9 and the narrative of the eternal struggle of Muslims for independence and the establishment of a Sharia state 10. These hopes and fears were raised and discussed among the educated imperial elite, who had little interest in the plans and ideas of the Muslims themselves. Orientalists had to tell officials what Muslims "really" thought, and the imperial authorities were already projecting their ideas to the eastern suburbs and enthusiastically discussing the "Muslim question." 11
The second camp of historians of the era of the archival revolution prefers to describe the experience of Muslims of the Russian Empire in terms of isolationism. The language of Islamic discours12 has for a long time allowed Muslims to articulate problems that have little to do with the" imposed "imperial paradigm and mainly stem from the host of"eternal" ones

8. The historiography of "Soviet Islam" generally shows the same tendency to fully trust the Imperial archive. For example: Arapov D., Kosach G. Islam and Muslims based on the materials of the Eastern Department of the OGPU. 1926. N. Novgorod, 2007; Guseva Yu. Russian Muslim in the XX century (based on the materials of the Middle Volga region). Samara, 2013; Islam i sovetskoe gosudarstvo: sb. dokumentov [Islam and the Soviet State: a collection of documents]. Вып. 1-3. М., 2010-2011; Ro'i, Y. (2000) Islam in the Soviet Union: from the Second World War to Gorbachev. New York.

9. Crews, R. (2006) For Prophet and Tsar: Islam and Empire in Russia and Central Asia. Harvard University Press; Meyer, J. (2013) "Speaking Sharia to the State: Muslim Protesters, Tsarist Officials, and the Islamic Discourses of Late Imperial Russia", Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 14(3): 485-505.

10. Zelkina, A. (2000) In Quest for God and Freedom Sufi Responses to the Russian Advance in the North Caucasus. NYU Press.

11. Campbell, E. (2015) The Muslim Question and Russian Imperial Governance. Indiana University Press; Tolz V. (2011) Russia's Own Orient. The Politics of Identity and Oriental Studies in the Late Imperial and Early Soviet Periods, pp. 111-167. Oxford University Press.

12. Kemper, M. (1998) Sufis und Gelehrte in Tatarien und Baschkirien. Der islamische Diskurs unter russischer Herrschaft. Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag; Kemper, M. (2005) Herrschaft, Recht und Islam in Daghestan. Von den Khanaten und Gemeindebiinden zum gihad-Staat (Caucasian Studies vol. 7). Wiesbaden: Reichert-Verlag.

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theological disputes over legal categories, 13 religious practices, and historiographical traditions, 14 which had very little in common with the world around them. The isolationist paradigm relies on the voices of Muslims themselves, postulates their specialness and differences from the imperious imperial discourses. The emphasis on the self-sufficiency and uniqueness of the culture of Russian Muslims allows this group of researchers to discuss transnational contacts and the circulation of Islamic knowledge with little concern for the imperial context.

Of course, there is space between these two extreme camps for experimenting with different sources and approaches. It appears, for example, in the analysis of biographies of Islamic actors who at various times participated both in the resistance to the empire and in the work of the imperial administration, 15 or in the discussion of obligatory religious practices (Hajj) at the junction between the policy of the authorities and the narratives of Muslim authors. 16 Or in the study of nation-building, when it turns out that sometimes thinkers could be effective participants in the political space and actively participate in the development and implementation of political projects 17.

In addition, the spatial perspective has a great influence on our understanding of the relationship between Muslims and the empire. Usually we have to deal with a regional approach that draws isolated islands (Turkestan, Dagestan, and the Volga region)on an imaginary map with their own Islamic traditions. This perspective may be interesting, but-

13. See Shamil Shikhaliyev's article in this issue of the journal.

14. Frank, A. (1998) Islamic Historiography and "Bulghar" Identity among the Tatars and Bashkirs of Russia. Leiden: Brill; Frank, A. (2001) Muslim Religious Institutions in Imperial Russia: The Islamic World of Novouzensk District & the Kazakh Inner Horde, 1780-1910. Leiden: Brill; Frank, A. (2012) Bukhara and the Muslims of Russia: Sufism, Education, and the Paradox of Islamic Prestige (Brill's Inner Asian Library.) Leiden and Boston: Brill.

15. Bobrovnikov V. Istorik jihada Hadji-'Ali Chokhsky: opyt kriticheskoi biografii [The historian of Jihad Hadji -' Ali Chokhsky: the experience of critical biography]. Issue 1. Moscow, 2010, p. 71_93.

16. Sibgatullina A. Kontakty turok-moslemov Rossiiskoi i Osmanskoy imperii na rubezhe XIX-XX vv [Contacts of Muslim Turks of the Russian and Ottoman Empires at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries]. A slightly different approach: Kane, E. (2015) Russian Hajj: Empire and the Pilgrimage to Mecca. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press.

17. Khalid, A. (2015) Making Uzbekistan: Nation, Empire, and Revolution in the Early USSR. London: Cornell University Press.

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gda builds the vision of the world of regional actors themselves 18. Trans-regional studies, however, with a few exceptions [19], are still marginal and do not go beyond the mechanical connection of microhistories [20].

Thus, over the last quarter of a century, historiography has developed several ways of telling stories about the Muslims of Russia. Someone, relying on office documents, talks about strategies of resistance and humility. Someone shows the complex and diverse, but largely isolated life of elites, and someone writes regional stories through the prism of the nation. We offer a slightly different view of the texts of Russian Muslims: not to study Jadidism as a phenomenon, but to consider the very story of primary sources about Jadidism. We hope that studying the structure of the Jadid language will allow us to get closer to understanding what is behind this narrative. In this article, we will offer an analysis of one source, the author of which is usually labeled as an Islamic reformer.

Gabdulla Bubi's Imperial Narrative

The search for an adequate analytical language to describe the intellectual life of Muslims is recognized as an important problem in the study of Islam in Russia 21. What tools should I use, and where should I look for moves and techniques, given the borderline state of the research field? What lens should be used to approach the sources used to create narratives about progressive reformers and backward traditionalists?

One of such vivid sources, on the basis of which one can easily build a narrative about progressive Muslims, is the memoirs of Gabdulla Bubi (1871-1922). He was the director and teacher of the Izh-Bubi madrasah in the Vyatka province, and in 1911

18. Brothy, D. (2016) Uyghur Nation. Reform and Revolution of the Russia - China Frontier. Cambridge, London: Harvard University Press; Schluessel, E. (2014) The World as Seen from Yarkand: Ghulam Muhammad Khan's 1920s Chronicle Ma Titaynin waqi'asi. Tokyo: NIHU Program Islamic Area Studies.

19. Meyer, J. (2014) Turks across Empires: Marketing Muslim Identity in the Russian - Ottoman Borderlands, 1856-1914. New York: Oxford University Press.

20. Miller A. I. Romanov Empire and Nationalism: Essay on the methodology of historical research, Moscow: UFO, 2006, pp. 9-33.

21. Naganawa, N. (2017) "Transimperial Muslims, the Modernizing State, and Local Politics in the Late Imperial Volga-Ural Region", Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 18(2): 417-436.

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In 1913, together with his brother, he was imprisoned on charges of pan-Turkism, and after his release in 1913, he left for the city of Kuldzha (East Turkestan). Here he had the opportunity to create a new madrasah and manage it. In 1917, he returned to Russia, to Troitsk, where he also directed the local madrasah. Bubi took up the task of setting up schools wherever he could, and in 1917 he regretted not staying in Tashkent, where he was offered the opportunity to run an educational institution. It can be assumed that his main dream was to create an ideal madrasah. Such an assumption, which lies on the surface , is an excellent bridge for a story about enlightenment heroes who led people out of the darkness of ignorance to the light of enlightenment, a story that fits perfectly into the discourse about Jadidism. 22 Can we offer a different interpretation?

Bubi's memoirs are colorful records that include the history of the madrasah in Izh-Bubi, travel notes about his trip to Kulja in 1913, a detailed account of life in Kulja, and personal letters to various people. The three-volume manuscript with a total volume of 636 pages is kept in the Eastern Sector of the Department of Manuscripts and Rare Books of the Scientific Library of Kazan Federal University. The text is written in the literary Tatar language of the early XX century, executed in Arabic graphics, in the naskh handwriting. The absence of blots and corrections typical of diary entries suggests that we are dealing with belovik 23.

The structure of the story itself resembles a kaleidoscope of stories, which are arranged not so much in chronology, but rather show frames of life stories - the story of a Turkish teacher, the foundation of an Islamic society, a temperance society, a report by a Chinese official, a collection of donations. The notes about his life in Kulja hardly attracted the attention of historians, as they were interested in the history of the Izh-Bubi madrasah and the demonstrative

22. Makhmutova A. Kh. Gabdulla Bubi o despotizme [Gabdulla Bubi o despotism] / / Intelligentsia of Tatarstan in the period of reforms and revolutions of the first third of the XX century. Kazan, 1997; Makhmutova A. Kh. Gabdulla Bubi (1871-1922) / / Tatar intellectuals: historical portraits / Comp. R. Mukhametshin. 2nd ed., Kazan: Magarif. 2005; Gimazova R. A. Educational activity of the Nigmatullins-Bubi (late XIX-early XX centuries). Kazan: Pechatny Dvor Publ., 2004; Famous personalities: a historical and biographical collection. - Comp. by A.M. Akhunov, Z. S. Minnullin. Kazan: Zhyen Publ., 2013.

23. Department of Manuscripts and Rare Books of the Scientific Library of Kazan Federal University (hereinafter - OPPK NB KFU), ruk. 207 T-208 T. For a complete codicological description and a brief retelling of the content, see: Fathi A. Tatar oediplare ham galimnarnets kulyazmalary. Икенче бүлек. Kazan, 1962, 11-18 b.

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the arrest of the Bubi brothers, which is important for shaping the image of enlightenment fighters. However, the fact is that the history of the madrasah was written retrospectively from Kulja and does not occupy a central place in the three-volume manuscript of memoirs. In fact, the episode with the history of the madrasah is an introduction to the Kuljin stories. In any case, we are not interested in the "reality" of the events described, but rather in the language of the narrative itself and the structure of the narrative being constructed.

The language of Gabdulla Bubi's memoirs can be described as a language-ideology24, which develops into a special ability to "speak Jadid", that is, to build a story about the need for education and progress to improve the situation of Muslims. This skill forms the image of the Jadids as advanced people, fighters against backwardness and religious remnants. The Bubi language-ideology is mobile, changes situationally depending on the context of speaking and includes key concepts that make up the "political vocabulary of the era" 25.

Choosing such a characteristic in relation to Bubi's memories as language-ideology, we define this ideology as an "imperial project". An important element of such a project is the civilizing function, and the desire to implement it is a characteristic of the imperial subject. He echoes the language of the colonial authorities when he talks about backward Muslims who need to be civilized, thereby connecting the already existing imperial rhetoric about the "former greatness" and the Golden Age of Muslims with a borrowed argument about backwardness. In any case, the words and themes articulated by Bubi serve the purpose of constructing an imperial project that is conceived outside of the Russian Empire.

When news came to Kulju from Beijing about the opening of an Islamic society there, Bubi said: "The Lord has given me on earth what I sought in heaven."26. Any opportunity to preach the ideas of unity was a joy to him, and any form that allowed him to do so seemed useful. Education or "enlightenment" was not only the business of the madrasah, that is, the qas-

24. Freeden, M. (2009) Liberal Languages: Ideological Imaginations and Twentieth Century Progressive Thought. Princeton University Press.

25. Potapova N. D. Linguistic turn in historiography. Saint Petersburg: EUSPb Publ., 2015, p. 180.

26. ORRK NB KFU, ruk. 207 T, l. 112a.

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It was not only the younger generation, but also adults, so the Islamic society, which presupposes the unification of the latter, was accepted by Bubi with great enthusiasm. He gives a big speech at the opening of the Islamic Society:

I want to tell you a little bit about the necessity (lozumiyat) and importance of this society (kamgiyat) from the point of view of Sharia and its obligation (fard). The most necessary and necessary thing in Sharia law is the unity of Muslims (ahle islamnyn ittifag[s]) and their education. The main mission of the Prophet (peace be upon him) was to lead the ignorant Arabs on the path of education, to equalize and unite them with all those who found themselves under the common Islamic flag: white and black, Arab and non-Arab. "Breaking unity is a sign of hypocrisy" (khor'el-ittifaq-galamat an-nifaq), i.e., breaking out of unity and Islamic society and separating is a sign of hypocrisy and disbelief (kofer). These true and sacred words, as well as the words of Allaah in the Holy Qur'an 27, i.e. "those who divide religion (deen) and humility (itagat) into different powers and are divided into different groups (firqa) - they are not with you and you are not with them" are sufficient to understand the need to relate to this a company or association. As you can see, Allah prescribes Muslims to be part of the same society and association. The person who came out of it is not called a Muslim (moemin), but an infidel (kafer). [ ... ] This society, like the message (ilham, vakhi) from Allah, will pull you out of the meanness and baseness of today, it will make you a true community and people (millet) of the Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him. Thanks to this blessed society, you will be decorated with science and education (golum v magarif), crafts and arts will spread among you. Only thanks to this will you get rid of today's humiliations and poverty and rise above the rich, happy and other nations (milletlyar).28.

And all this he says in the presence of a Chinese official who has arrived for the official opening of the society! Trying to read the fate of Bubi through the prism of the imperial Project allows us to interpret it not as the story of a man on the outskirts,

27. The Qur'an, 6: 159.

28. ORRK NB KFU, ruk. 207 Tons, ll. 124b-126a.

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Rather, it is the story of a person who is at the center of his world - a world that he considers to be the result of his own efforts. While the Holy Roman Empire promised to unite and protect all Catholics, Bubi and many of his contemporaries wanted to unite and protect all Muslims in the way that seemed most effective. A number of authors have already written about the properties of imperialism in Islamic texts. Stephen Kotkin, in particular, believes that "the Tatars imagined and tried to implement an imperial project before [the imperial expansion of the Russians] and then in the broad expanse of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union." 29 Alexey Miller, pointing out that in the Volga-Ural region there was a struggle for influence between " Tatar-Islamic and imperial strategies on the issue of forming the identities of the local population " 30, implicitly endows this struggle with imperial ambitions.

The vision of space and the choice of location are very important in Bubi's narrative. Leaving for Kulja, Bubi does not see this city as an end in itself, he is interested in schools, the form of which can be distributed after the successful completion of the experiment.:

As soon as I get out of prison, I have to go to Kulja, China. Take one local school and fix it so that teachers and imams can be trained according to the time. Open a girls ' school capable of producing female teachers and gradually send everyone who served in Izh-Bubi there. Establish a knowledge dissemination center in Turkestan out of Kuldzha, and if possible organize an arts and crafts society among the people.31
That is, Kulja for him is a kind of center of Turkestan, although formally the city belonged to the Republic of China, but Bubi sees it as part of Islamic lands. Of course, it is not he who "discovers" Kulja, but he comes to a place where there is already a foundation - Muslim communities that have established their lives for a long time

29. Kotkin, S. (2007) "Mongol Commonwealth?: Exchange and Governance across The Post-Mongol Space", Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History. 8(3): 517.

30. Miller A. I. Romanov Empire and Nationalism: Essay on the methodology of historical research, Moscow: UFO, 2006, p. 22.

31. ORRK NB KFU, ruk. 207 T, l. 96a.

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before his arrival 32. In his travel notes, Bubi writes about Troitsk, Samara, Yarkand, Bishkek, Tashkent, and Kashgar, and in each of the cities he meets with like-minded people who help him. 33 Bubi's goals resonated, and there were always wealthy merchants who were ready to support him (or whom he persuaded to support him). Cities and people in his story are connected over administrative borders, and he connects these points based on his own idea of the centers that are important to him. Bubi saw himself as a preacher of vital unification, and his goal was to spread such ideas. Allen Frank says that Bubi, traveling in the vicinity of the Kazakh steppe, addressed two questions to the community about their historical role in Xinjiang: "it was education (including among girls) and the dissemination of modern ideas and technologies among local Muslims, which is, in some ways, a civilizing mission." 34 Bubi's imaginary "Muslim empire" stretches from Vyatka province to Western China, and the inhabitants of this empire were Nogai, Taranchi, Dungans, Kazakhs, Sarts, Russians, Chinese, Turks. This world was diverse, motley, disjointed on the one hand, and connected into a single whole on the other. He was connected by people like Bubi-moving from place to place, he established new connections and maintained old ones, asked for money for madrasas and mosques from rich merchants. 35 With like-minded people, he discussed the problems of society, backwardness, prosperity, subordination or domination. Bubi was concerned about the preservation of the Muslim heritage, he was concerned about the fate of the "former greatness", he wanted to preserve this cultural foundation.

32. Usmanov, M. (1998) "Tatar Settlers in Western China (Second Half of the 19th Century to the First Half of the 20th Century)", in A. von Kuegelgen, M. Kemper, A. Frank (eds) Muslim Culture in Russia and Central Asia from the 18th to the Early 20th Centuries, vol. 2: Inter-Regional and Inter-Ethnic Relations, ss. 243-270. Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag; Light, N. (2012) "Muslim Histories of China: Historiography across Boundaries in Central Eurasia", Frontiers and Boundaries: Encounrers on China's Margins, ss. 151-176. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

33. Such dating networks are not a distinctive feature of Bubi, but rather the general background of travelers from inner Russia: Brophy, D. (2014) "A Tatar Turkist in Chinese Turkistan: Nushirvan Yavshef's Travels in Xinjiang, 1914-1917", Studies in Travel Writing 18(4): 345-356.

34. Frank, A. (2011) "Tatar Memoirs of Republican-Era Xinjiang", Central Eurasian Studies: Past, Present and Future, ss. 461-466. Istanbul: Maltepe University.

35. For issues of Islamic charity during this period, see: Ross, D. (2017)" Muslim Charity under Russian Rule: Waqf, Sadaqa, and Zakat in Imperial Russia", Islamic Law and Society 24: 77-111.

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Structure of Gabdulla Bubi's narrative

The key concepts in Bubi's narrative are, among others: people (millat), advanced people (alga halyk), freedom (horriyat), education (magrifat), progress (tarakkiyat). Millet appears when it comes to the state of Muslim nations as a whole: "to what extent does ignorance, baseness, and lack of understanding of the religion of Islam lower a person, or even the entire nation?"; "this circumstance sets fire to the souls of Muslims who have sold their people";" however, where is there peace for people who want to serve the people";"only by getting rid of today's humiliation and poverty will you rise above other rich and happy nations"36. The unification of Muslims is one of the central lines in the narrative, and Fighting for this unification through progress is one of Bubi's key goals.

Bubi speaks and acts precisely as an imperial civilizer, organizing training, societies, meetings, demonstrating the backwardness of previous forms and calling for the fight against new challenges. These challenges lie both in the Muslims themselves, who have distorted or even abandoned their religion, and in the" civilizational " superiority of their neighbors. He sees this superiority here and now - in Russian schools, in his brothers who serve "Russians" and do not realize the value of common history and religion, in the changing urban landscape:

In Tashkent, we stayed with Akhund Akhtyamov. However, I have not seen anything encouraging to do with the Sarth brothers, and I am disappointed. Tashkent has two parts: new Tashkent and old Tashkent. If the former can be compared to heaven, then the latter can be likened to hell 37.

Describing Tashkent, Bubi creates a dramatic picture of decline, the Khoja Ahrar mosque in disrepair, new shiny domes of the church towering over the city, and local native schools killing religion in children. Children symbolize the future, and Booby predicts it by talking about the state of local schools. But it also offers hope, offering the only way to avoid the spiritual death of the children of the "people" - to organize their own

36. ORRK NB KFU, ruk. 207 T, ll. 97b, 98a, 99b, 102a, 126a, etc. 37. Ibid., l. 96b.

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schools and educate people. Bubi wants to give knowledge, to educate, to give people power over their own lives, to unite them, to bring them out of submission to the "Russians" - this is also one of the tasks of his imperial mission.

The text of the manuscript contains a lot of anti-colonial rhetoric, 38 but close attention to how he generalizes Russians with the word "predators" leads to the idea that he is referring to the state, the bureaucratic apparatus. Moreover, while welcoming the February revolution, he rejoices that the "days of freedom"have finally arrived for both Muslims and Russians.39
The special societies that he tried to support or establish were also responsible for religious "enlightenment." For example, the "sobriety society", through which he plans to eliminate or reduce the use of alcoholic beverages, because this is what causes the birth of weak and drunk children, what spoils health, what takes away the most precious thing that we have - our minds, because vodka, beer and the like drinks, from a legal point of view (shari'at) are forbidden (haram), just as they are also forbidden by reason, and in general it is harmful. Any sober-minded believer should enroll as a member of this society 40.

In the field of education, too, there were "enemies "who did not want to" enlighten " people, striving only for profit. These Muslims, Bubi is convinced, are the real cause of the calamity - it is for their negligence that the punishment from Allah is sent. Someone writes denunciations, someone is engaged in "fraud", harming their own people. It is in this context that he places the arrival of Shami Damullah in Kulja in 1916. 41 The exposure begins with a reproach for greed:

38. For anti-colonial rhetoric in Islamic texts, see: Bustanov, A. (2016)" The Bulghar Region as a 'Land of Ignorance': Anti-Colonial Discourse in Khvarazmian Connectivity", Journal of Persian Studies 9(2): 183-204.

39. The February revolution in synchronous Islamic texts was often referred to by the Arabic word "horriyat", i.e. freedom.

40. ORRK NB KFU, ruk. 207 T, l. 110a.

41. Muminov A. Shami-damulla and his role in the formation of the "Soviet Islam" / / Islam, identity and politics in the post-Soviet space. Kazan, 2005, pp. 231-247. In the early 1920s, Shami-damullah was chosen as the co-leader of the Islamic Revolution.-

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In these places, he called himself the person who was sent by the Turkish side to collect money and donations. He went to cities under Chinese rule and collected a lot of money.42
Bubi did not know that he was actually expelled from the Ottoman Empire because of accusations of "Wahhabism".43 Shami-damullah showed Bubi notes stating that he was an emissary of the Sultan:

Since he was considered the representative of Chinese Turkestan in Istanbul, the Sultan sent the holy hair of the Prophet to the Muslims of Chinese Turkestan through him. He brought this hair to Altyshakhr, people started coming there, and he collected a lot of money in this regard.44
Using the image of Shami-damulla, the author draws a caricature of the scientists of the city of Kashgar:

The ulama of Kashgar attacked this place, took the sacred hair and moved it to another mosque, and people started going there. To reclaim this hair of the Prophet, Shami Damullah went to the villages and collected petitions addressed to the Sultan and the high Porte. It is clear that the "sacred hair" was the fattest piece that fell into the mouth of Shami 45.

as a "progressive" scholar who would support the ideas of Islamic socialism and fight against "obscurantism". One of the most famous students of Shami-damulla was Ziyautdin Babakhanov, mufti of SADUM in 1957-1982. This chain explains the opinion of some researchers that fundamentalism was the basis of the Soviet Islamic discourse and was not introduced from outside, on the contrary, it was developed in accordance with the requirements of the time and the Soviet government: Sartori, P. (2010)"Towards a History of the Muslims' Soviet Union: A View from Central Asia", Die Welt des Islams 50 (3-4): 315-334.

42. ORRK NB KFU, ruk. 207 vol., l. 131a.

43. Babadzhanov B., Muminov A., von Kugelgen A .. Disputes of Muslim religious authorities in Central Asia in the XX century. Almaty: Daik-Press, 2007. p. 58. It is important to note that Bubi himself was forced to leave Kulja shortly after the February Revolution, because he was accused of disbelief by local scientists, and he was in real danger.

44. ORRK NB KFU, ruk. 208 T, l. 131a.

45. Ibid.

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Accusing Shami-damullah of deceit and self-interest, Bubi denounces his "entrepreneurial" activities:

He collected old manuscripts and money here and sold all these things to European museums. He told me himself that he worked for an orientalist who came to Altyshakhr for this purpose. This man was the reason that the old Turkic and Islamic works that were in the hands of Muslims passed into the hands of Europeans, and he helped them a lot.46
Drawing a caricature of those who use the image of the sacred for profit, Bubi once again shows the need for change-education, exposure of fraudsters, which in this case are both Shami Damullah and the Ulema who took this hair. In addition to the fact that uneducated people are deceived, forcing them to pay for a dummy, they are also robbed in the historical perspective, depriving their own heritage. Bubi's task is to expose the pests that hinder the common cause of enlightenment. He not only points out self-serving pests such as Shami-damullah, but also implicitly argues with those who disagree with the appearance of new madrasas, with his understanding of the renewal of religion. This forces them to constantly prove, explain and argue their position. Arguments are constructed within the dichotomy of "ignorance, backwardness" vs. "knowledge, progress". It is ignorance that leads to the wrath of Allah, as a result-a sad life situation in poverty and submission.:

When they (Kazakhs) kept chickens themselves, they never saw eggs; no matter how many cows there were, there was no milk or butter. We haven't collected a single haystack in our entire life. After they have given all their land to the Ukrainians, they look after other people's chickens very well, collect their eggs well, cook, trying very hard, butter and milk. And when it was theirs, they didn't do it. They graze their pigs very diligently. Indeed, the land is cultivated by the worshippers. O Islam, Islam! One day you came and were so changed by the carelessness, laziness, and unconsciousness of the people who raised your flag and said, " We follow you, Isa-

46. Ibid., l. 150a.

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lam". Is it in the heart of our beloved Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) that Islam has come in and gone out?47

In addition to the fact that people need to be corrected by enlightenment and education, it is also necessary to return Islam to their hearts. But what kind of Islam should we return to if people have moved away from its foundations? How can we move forward to "progress" and at the same time return to the ideal of the past? How does tarakkiyat, the key concept of the story, fit in with a return to pure Islam and the" correction " of society?

The desire for progress is what usually begins the story of reformers. When a story about the need to achieve tarakkiyat appears in the sources, the word is translated as "progress" in the modern sense. On this basis, the image of reformers as enlightened young people striving for a new order of things is built. This is how they differ from the old clerics, who are mired in ignorance and stuck in the past. However, in the story of Bubi tarakkiyat often coexists both with the idea of mastering the latest achievements of science, and with the story of returning to the past - to the Golden Age of Muslims. Tarakkiyat becomes necessary both for returning to pure religion and for reaching the level of Western civilization. That is, the interpretation of tarakkiyat only as a westernization of the past and a linear movement forward will be incorrect in relation to the Bubi narrative. For him, progress consists not only in moving towards the future, but also in striving back to the ideal past. Most likely, this very concept in Bubi's speech was not given any strict content. For example, in the dictionary of the teacher of the Muhammadiyya madrasah, Tahir Ilyasi (1881-1933), the definition of the wordtarakkiyat is given as follows:"to develop, raise, transmit the words of another person "49. Bubi sees poor Kazakhs, sees destroyed Sart mosques, madrassas and sees" Khokhlovs " who have good houses, rich farms, their roads are clean and well-groomed. This state of affairs is not so much the fault of the "colonialists" as of the Muslims themselves, who have forgotten the precepts of Allah. Religion for Bubi is not something separate

47. ORRK NB KFU, ruk. 207 Tons, l. 100a.

48. Tuna, M. (2011) "Madrasa Reform as a Secularizing Process: A View from the Late Russian Empire", Comparative Studies in Society and History. 53(3): 540-570.

49. Таhир Әхмәд Ильяси. әл-Мөфидә. Казан: Миллят, 1912, 447 б.

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life, its non-observance becomes the cause of both material failures in this world and punishment after death. Therefore, education for him is a complex of both schools and educational societies. An increase in the number of hours spent on science subjects in its schools and a decrease in the number of hours spent on religious studies (according to the program tables) does not mean a secular transformation of education. Combined with conscious religiosity, the Bubi school curriculum was designed for all-round "progress", which was supposed to help in achieving the ideal in religion and in achieving the level of development of "advanced peoples". Within the framework of the idea of progress, he solves the problem of codifying knowledge, looking for a common educational framework for all, and this is also one of the important tasks of the empire - bringing disparate territories and peoples to a common denominator.50
Conclusion

Even a cursory review of our knowledge of Islam in the late Russian Empire shows that despite the recent boom in research, the paradigm of the inevitable "integration" of Muslims into imperial contexts serves as a barrier to looking at various ways of self-description and forming the subjectivity of Muslims.

In Bubi's references to the backwardness of the Muslim Turks, the language of colonial power is heard, he takes over the description of Central Asian society as backward, in need of the light of"European enlightenment". Of course, this narrative is related to orientalism and approaches the rhetoric of Imperial Orientalists when it comes to "Central Asian backwardness" and "European enlightenment." 51 He repeats cliches about "bringing European civilization and progress" to the "backward" Central Asian peoples, claiming legitimacy for the necessary changes and progress he preaches.52
50. Sartori P., Shabley P. The fate of Imperial codification projects: adat and sharia in the Kazakh steppe / / Ab Imperio. 2015. N2. pp. 63-105.

51. On the mutual influence of Oriental studies and the discourse of "European enlightenment" among representatives of the leaders of the communities studied by Orientalists, see Frank, A. (2012) Bukhara and the Muslims of Russia: Sufism, Education, and the Paradox of Islamic Prestige, p. 163. Leiden, Boston: Brill; Campbell, E. (2002) " On the Question of Orientalism in Russia (in the Second Half of the 19th - Early 20th Centuries)", Ab Imperio 1: 311-322.

52. Gorshenina S. The largest projects of the colonial archives of Russia: Utopian exostive Turkestany of the Governor-General Konstantin Petrovich von Ka-

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When Bubi speaks about the backwardness of the Kazakhs and Sart, he reproduces these cliches, but already changing the actors of ideology: the "enlightened" Turks who have mastered the European educational system should become cultural regers, new imperial civilizers in his story. Thus, the "civilizing mission" passes from the Europeans (Russians) to the Muslims themselves, endowing them with their own will and ability to transform. But the main civilizer in Bubi's story turns out to be himself and a rather narrow circle of "elites", whose vocation is to ennoble illiterate people. Muslims are "colonized" in this story, acting as an object for correction, they need to be civilized for their own good, because without the right leadership, they themselves will not be able to become a "happy people".

His imperial project does not fit into either the Russian or Ottoman Empires. Bubi appears in his story as an independent imperial subject, despite the fact that his rhetoric is often based on comparison with other "happy peoples", including"Russians". He is not an intermediary between other empires, he has his own plan for the development of Muslim society. Having adopted the idea of backwardness, he fights for the happiness and prosperity of Muslims, seeks to create new, competitive, educated people according to the model that he considers ideal. He does this in the space of his empire, wherever his influence allows him to carry out this project. In his story, of course, officials of another empire appear, creating certain difficulties or helping, like a Chinese official with Islamic society, but they quickly fade into the background, and Bubi continues to work on his romantic project.

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