This article looks into the history of Muslim community of Petrograd- Leningrad during the Soviet time. The author pays special attention to its little-known and understudied aspects by referring to a wide range of sources from oral memoirs to diary extracts. Of particular importance are photographic materials from state and private photo archives. The picture helps to provide a broader view of the history of Muslim community, both from the standpoint of a photographer and through the eyes of believers themselves. Special focus is made on the life of the two imam-khatibs of the Leningrad Cathedral Mosque: Yakub Halekov and Hafz Mahmutov. The author examines how ofcial and unofcial leaders and institutions governing Tatar- Muslim community in Leningrad and a number of towns in the Leningrad region emerged and worked. Some photographs coming from private archives often serve as a starting point for a broader study of forms of Islam in the Soviet Union.

Key words: Leningrad Cathedral mosque, isem kushu, unoffcial mullahs, janazah, Tatar section of Novo-Volkovo cemetery, imam-khatib.

Beckin R. Istoriya tataro-moslemskoy obshchestva sovetskogo Petrograda-Leningradskogo (1917-1991 gg.) po materialam gosudarstvennykh i chastnykh fotoarchivov [History of the Tatar-Muslim community of Soviet Petrograd-Leningrad (1917-1991) based on the materials of state and private photo archives]. 2016. N4. pp. 118-147.

Bekkin, Renat (2016) "History of Tatar-Muslims Community in Soviet Petrograd-Leningrad (1917-1991) basing on the Private and State Photo Archives", Gosudarstvo, religiia, tserkov' v Rossii i za rubezhom 34(4): 118-147.

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Introduction

The topic of Islam in the Soviet Union has recently been increasingly attracting the attention of researchers. At the same time, the object of study is not only the state's policy towards Islam and Muslims, 1 but also the specifics of the functioning of Islamic institutions, including unofficial ones, in certain regions of the country.2 Studying the history and forms of Islam in the USSR is important, among other things, because the Soviet era is not so far away from us and many Muslim spiritual leaders who head parishes and religious organizations in different cities today were formed and educated during the Soviet era. However, this closeness of times turns out to be imaginary when one comes to the fact that most of the witnesses of the era who had direct experience of participating in religious life in different regions of the Soviet Union (including Leningrad) in the 1920s and 1970s have already left this world.

Not so many sources from among the Muslims themselves have survived to this day, recording certain moments of everyday religious life in Leningrad. First of all, these are very few emails. At that time, only a few Leningrad Muslims kept diaries, and those that have come down to us can be counted on the fingers. A significant amount is made up of materials of Soviet state bodies, whose tasks included monitoring the religious activity of citizens. It is no coincidence that these materials still serve as inspiration for both domestic and foreign researchers studying Islam in the USSR.3 However, using official sources may

1. Ro'i, Y. (2000) Islam in the Soviet Union: From the Second World War to Gorbachev. New York: Columbia University Press; Islam and the Soviet State. Issue 1. / comp. by D. Yu. Arapov. Moscow: ID Marjani, 2010; Islam and the Soviet state. Issue 2. (1917-1936)/ comp. by D. Yu.Arapov.. Moscow: ID Marjani Publ., 2010; Islam and the Soviet State. Issue 3. (1944-1990) / comp. by D. Y. Arapov. Moscow: Marjani Publishing House, 2011; Salakhbekova Z. A. Vlast ' i moslemskoe dukhovenstvo Dagestan: istoriya vzaimosheniyakh (1920-1940 gg.). Avtoref. dis. on the map. learned. step. K. ist. n. Makhachkala, 2003.

2. Senyutkin S. B., Idrisov U. Yu., Senyutkina O. N., Guseva Yu. N. Istoriya islamskikh obshchestv Nizhegorodskoy oblasti: Monografiya [History of Islamic communities of the Nizhny Novgorod region: A Monograph]. Nizhny Novgorod: UNN Publishing House, 1998; Guseva Yu.N. Ishanism as a Sufi tradition of the Middle Volga in the XX century: forms, meanings, meaning. Moscow: Medina Publ., 2013; Safarov M. A. Everyday life of Moscow Muslims in the 1960s and 1980s. 2012. N 4 (84). pp. 139-148.

3. The most striking example is the above-mentioned book by Yakov Roy "Islam in the Soviet Union" (Ro'i, Y. Islam in the Soviet Union: From the Second World War to Gorbachev), in which the author actually built his own ideas.

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lead the researcher to the numerous mistakes that the above-mentioned Yakov Roy made.

In view of the above, photographic materials (primarily from personal archives) that record the daily life of Muslims in the Soviet Union are one of the most important sources of information, and in some cases - almost the main, although not the only one, because any photo from a personal archive needs a competent storyteller, without whom what is captured on film will be impossible. only a dead artifact of the past, a fragment of someone else's fate. However, in most cases, the owners of the photo albums - the children and grandchildren of the Muslims of Petrograd-Leningrad - could not give us any significant explanations to the photos: either because for various reasons they did not want to do so, or because they did not have the necessary information. The first concerns those people whose relatives were victims of Stalin's repressions; their interest in the fate of their relatives caused them to be apprehensive and even afraid.

Fortunately, a significant number of images contain inscriptions on the back. However, this category of explanatory texts does not always provide the researcher with enough information to recreate the story that the photo hides.

As for the state archives (first of all, the Central State Archive of Film and Photographic Documents - TSGAKFFD SPb), they mostly contain official photographs depicting the most important events in the history of the Muslim community of Petrograd-Leningrad, first of all, visits of foreign delegations. Some of these materials are duplicated with images from the family archives belonging to the descendants of the imams-khatibs of the Leningrad Cathedral Mosque M.-J. Bigeeva, G. N. Isaeva and Kh. V. Makhmutova. It was the descendants of the spiritual leaders of the Muslims of Leningrad who became the owners of the largest private photo archives that shed light on the history of the city's Muslim community.

Particularly noteworthy are the collections of the State Museum of the History of Religion in St. Petersburg. Among the protocol images, there are photos that record the daily religious life of the Muslim community. So, for example, images of Friday night are of great interest.

views on the forms of Islam's existence in the USSR based on documents of various departments. For more information on the shortcomings of Roy's book, see: DeWeese, D. (2002)" Islam and the Legacy of Sovietology: A Review Essay on Yaacov Ro'i's Islam in the Soviet Union", Journal of Islamic Studies 13(3): 298-330.

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and festive prayers at the Tatar site of the Novo-Volkovsky cemetery, dating back to 1954. These photographs, taken by museum employee D. I. Iskhakov, capture a remarkable period in the life of the Tatar-Muslim community of the city, when the cemetery served as a place for collective prayers. Two years later, the Cathedral Mosque, which was closed in 1940, was returned to the Muslims of Leningrad. From 1940 to 1956 (with the exception of the blockade period), Friday and Holiday prayers were held in the Tatar section of the Novo-Volkovsky cemetery 4.

Thus, photographic materials from public and private archives complement each other organically, allowing you to look at the history of the Muslim community not only through the eyes of a chronicler photographer, but also through the eyes of believers themselves. In the latter case, we can find out what events were considered so significant for the Muslims themselves to be captured by a camera. At the same time, of course, it is necessary to take into account the fact that not all remarkable events were recorded on film. The reasons could be different - for example, the fear of being repressed for observing certain rituals.

As noted above, the main problem with the photographic materials we have collected is the lack of explanatory information to them. Not all images have captions that allow you to set the date of shooting and the people depicted. This also applies to photos from state archives. When studying the collections of the TSGAKFFD SPb, we encountered that some images were incorrectly attributed; in particular, the names and surnames of the people depicted on them were distorted or incorrectly indicated.

It is not always possible to correctly identify the persons represented in the photo, but even if this task is impossible, the photo does not lose its value as an additional source of information: it can supplement the information available to the researcher, confirm or deny it. For example, the book of the St. Petersburg local historian D. A. Aminov contains information that in the late 1940s and early 1950s Friday prayers at the Tatar site of the Novo-Volkovsky cemetery were conducted by an unofficial mullah of Gatchina, Mutugulla Khamitov5. For a long time, this claim was not supported by anything other than oral evidence of rest-

4. For more information about the Tatar section of the Novo-Volkovsky Cemetery, see below.

5. Aminov D. A. Tatary v Sankt-Peterburgu: Ist. ocherk [Tatars in Saint Petersburg: Historical essay].

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a young scientist. Only photographs from public and private archives showing Khamitov allowed us to document Aminov's information.

Sometimes the very absence of a photo can give rise to reflection and serve as an incentive to search for additional information. For example, from the available official written sources, it is known about numerous meetings of two imams-khatibs of the Leningrad Cathedral Mosque-G. N. Isaev and Kh. V. Makhmutov. However, we have not been able to find any photographs of the two religious figures together, although there are many photographs of Isaev and Makhmutov with the same faces, but separately. This gave us grounds to assume a conflict between the two imams. Later, this conjecture was confirmed by studying the diaries and letters of Imam Makhmutov.

As can be seen from the examples we have given, photography can serve as a faithful assistant to the researcher of the problem under consideration only if he has sufficient knowledge not only of general information about the history of the Muslim community of St. Petersburg, but also of its details.

In this article, it is no coincidence that we pay considerable attention to the fate of imams-leaders of the Tatar-Muslim community of the city. This is due to at least two reasons: the presence of a significant number of different sources, including visual ones, as well as the significance that the figure of the imam-khatib of the Cathedral Mosque had for the Muslims of Petrograd-Leningrad.

Speaking about the Soviet period, we use the phrases "Muslim community" and "Tatar-Muslim" community as synonyms, since until the end of the XX century, representatives of different subethnic groups of the Tatar ethnic group made up the majority of the Muslim population of the city.

The Muslim community in St. Petersburg in the 18th and early 20th centuries.

The main part of the Muslim population of St. Petersburg throughout its history was made up of Tatars. It is known that Tatars and Bashkirs, who served under I. E. Bakhmetev and others, were used in the construction of the Peter and Paul Fortress. Soon, peasants and posadsky people from Russian provinces, including Kazan, began to be sent to the banks of the Neva. According to the decree of Peter I, not only peasants were involved in the construction (according to od-

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nom man from four yards), but also unbaptized servants of the Murza. By the middle of the 18th century, Tatar-Muslim communities were forming in Kronstadt and Luban, a village located on the post road connecting St. Petersburg and Moscow.

In the 18th century, the majority of St. Petersburg's Muslims were military personnel. A small group consisted of merchants. The functions of imams were performed by ordinary people who were most knowledgeable in matters of the Muslim rite. Here is what the German scholar and traveler I. G. Georgi wrote about the religious services of the Muslims of the capital at the end of the XVIII century: "The Mohammedans, Tatars from different regions, foreign merchants, attorneys, etc. do not have a mosque or any parish; but among the merchants they have spiritual (Mulas), who in their homes with the help of their friends and relatives. their co-religionists perform their solemn services in Arabic and Tatar on Fridays and holidays. " 6
In 1822, the first civil Mohammedan parish was established in St. Petersburg. However, it was only in the second half of the 19th century that the number of civilians began to exceed the number of Muslim military personnel. Most of the Tatar population of St. Petersburg in the late 19th and early 20th centuries was engaged in small-scale trade and services. Memoir literature has preserved memories of Tatars-junk dealers, who in urban folklore were called "princes". "Princes" who sold "red goods" appeared in the courtyards of St. Petersburg shouting: "Dressing gown, dressing gown!"7. There were also street sweepers among the Tatars, but in the imperial period there were not so many of them among the representatives of this profession - natives of the Tver province predominated. As of 1910, 7,300 Tatars lived in St. Petersburg, accounting for about 0.4 % of the urban population. 8 Other peoples who traditionally profess Islam were represented by only a few dozen people. Among the Tatar-Muslim population of the city, three subethnic groups dominated:-

6. Georgi I. G. Description of the Russian-Imperial capital city of St. Petersburg and memorials in the vicinity of it. [Part 1]. SPb: Tip. Imperatorskogo Shlyakhetnogo sukhoputnogo korpusa, 1794. p.282.

7. See, for example: Grigoriev M. A. Petersburg in the 1910s. Walking in the past. St. Petersburg: Russian Institute of Art History, 2005, p. 251; [Klyucheva M. I.] Pages from the life of St. Petersburg 1880-1910 / / Nevsky Archive: Historical and local history collection. Issue No. III / comp. A. I. Dobkin, A.V. Kobak. M., St. Petersburg: Atheneum-Feniks, 1997. p. 206; Obolensky V. A. My life. My contemporaries. Paris: YMCA-Press, 1988, p. 13.

8. Chistyakov A. Yu. Tatary [Tatars] / / Saint Petersburg: encyclopedic dictionary. St. Petersburg, [2007- ] [www.encspb.ru/object/2803920605?dv=2853931022&lc=ru, accessed from 5.04.2016].

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Simovsky Tatars, Mishare and Kazan. The town also had a small but prominent group of Polish-Lithuanian Tatars. As for the Petrograd province, here in a number of localities located to the south of the capital, the Kasimov Tatars formed the majority. Mishare, in turn, prevailed among the Muslims who developed the territory of the Karelian Isthmus north of the Sesta River, which belonged to the Vyborg province of the Grand Duchy of Finland.

By the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries, a small stratum of Muslim intellectuals emerged in St. Petersburg, consisting of representatives of the Tatars (Kazan, Nizhny Novgorod, Kasimov, Polish-Lithuanian, Crimean), Caucasian and Central Asian peoples. They were, in a true sense, the spiritual leaders of the nation, whose formation as such was greatly facilitated by the liberalization of political life in Russia after the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907.

The other two Russian revolutions - the February and October revolutions - were at their peak for the Muslim community in Petrograd-despite the reaction of 1907-1910, during which some of the capital's Muslim publications ceased to exist, one of the Muslim parishes around which the liberal intelligentsia was grouped was closed, etc.

Muslims of Petrograd during the Revolution and Civil War

After the October Revolution, as well as after the February Revolution, Muslims were full of hope.9 However, disillusionment with the Bolsheviks came almost as quickly as it did with the bourgeois-democratic government. Several photographs kept in the Central State Museum of Fine Arts of St. Petersburg record episodes of the social and political life of revolutionary Petrograd. The author of some of them is the famous Petrograd-Leningrad photographer Yakov Vladimirovich Steinberg (1880-1942). For example, one of Steinberg's photos shows employees of the Executive Committee of the All-Russian Muslim Council (Icomus)10. The Council itself

9. For more information, see: Iskhakov S. M. Russian Muslims and the Revolution (spring 1917-summer 1918). Moscow: Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2004.

10. The caption to the photo on the website of the Central State Archive of Film and Photographic Documents (TSGAKFFD SPb) erroneously indicates the date of shooting: 1923-

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it was established in May 1917 in Moscow, and its executive body - Icomus-worked in Petrograd. In May 1918. The All-Russian Muslim Council and Icomus were abolished. Another photograph, kept in the collections of the Central State Academy of Fine Arts of St. Petersburg, was taken in the reception room of the Icomus in the winter or early spring of 1918. This picture allows you to get a certain idea of the Muslim population of Petrograd at the beginning of the XX century. At that time, there were still many old-timers in the city, who did not differ much in their appearance from other citizens. Soon, the structure of the city's Muslim population changed significantly. Fleeing from the calamities of the civil war, Tatars (mostly peasants) from the Volga region and other regions of Russia arrived in Petrograd.

All the pictured visitors in the Icomus reception area are men. Most of them are dressed in European clothing in the fashion of the time. All men wear moustaches and only two also have beards. One of them is obviously a so-called slacker, a dealer in old goods in raznos.

Several photographs dating back to the era of the revolution and Civil War show the command staff and soldiers of the 3rd Bashkir Cavalry Regiment, which was part of the Bashkir Group of Red Army Troops. In September 1919, the division was transferred to Petrograd to defend the city from Yudenich's troops. Later, she participated in the capture of Pavlovsk, Gatchina and Yamburg. The initiator of the Bashkir vocation to Petrograd, L. D. Trotsky, wrote about this later:

The Bashkir cavalry division was only recently formed. From the very beginning, I intended to transfer her to Petrograd for a few months, so that the steppe people could spend some time in the cultural atmosphere of the city, get close to the workers, visit clubs, meetings and theaters. Now a new and more urgent consideration has been added to this: to frighten the Finnish bourgeoisie with the specter of a Bashkir invasion.11
Bashkirs fully met the expectations of the chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council. The steppe dwellers who rode on horses through the streets of Petrograd reminded the inhabitants of the city of the Scythians from the poem of the same name.-

1924. However, as can be seen from the information given above, this picture was taken no later than May 1918.

11. Trotsky L. D. My life. Opyt autobiografii [Experience of autobiography], Moscow: Panorama Publ., 1991, p. 406.

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Alexander Blok, written in January 1918. The appearance of slanted heroes symbolized in the eyes of ordinary people the fall and death of the old world.

The writer Isaac Babel saw representatives of another Turkic people - Tatars - as grave diggers of his former life. In his essay "On Horses", prepared in 1918 for the Gorky "New Life", he wrote about the horse-slaughtering Tatars of Petrograd:

Dozens of Tatars are busy slaughtering horses. This is a purely Tatar matter. Our fighters, who are out of work, have not yet decided to start it. They can't, the soul won't let them in... It was lunchtime. The tavern was filled with Tatar fighters and merchants. They smelled of blood, strength, and contentment... At the tables, tall Tatars chattered in their own language and demanded 2 rubles ' worth of jam for their tea. A small man was perched next to me. Blinking his eyes, he said that at the present time every Tatar was making five thousand, or maybe ten thousand a month, and "they had bought all the horses, all of them clean.".. Then I found out that the Russians were also smart. They also trade. "What can you do? Previously, the Tatars ate horse meat, but now all the people and even the gentlemen ... " The sun is shining. I have a strange thought: everyone is ill, we are all impoverished. Only Tatars are good...12

Babel's words about the Tatars were clearly an exaggeration. In cold and hungry Petrograd, where horse carrion was considered the limit of dreams, no one could be happy, except for those who now owned power.

After the revolution, the Muslim population of Petrograd changed dramatically. Many of the Muslims who lived in the city either emigrated (mostly to Finland or via Finland)or died during the Civil War. In the early 1920s, the Tatar-Muslim community of Petrograd increased fourfold compared to the pre-war level due to 28,000 peasants fleeing famine in the Volga region13.

Despite their ethnic affinity with the Tatars who lived in the city before the revolution, those who arrived in the city in the 1920s and 1930s were people with a different cultural background. Here is a quote describing one of the new residents of Leningrad - Tatar Khisamov:

12. Babel I. E. About horses / / Babel I. E. Petrogradskaya proza. Collection. St. Petersburg: Jupiter Publ., 1993, pp. 45-47.

13. Tagirdzhanova A.M. Tatar children's homes in Petrograd-Leningrad of the 1920s. 2008. N 6 (46). P. 53.

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I, Nigmat Abdulovich Khisamov, was a shepherd, wearing a torn shirt and bast shoes. It was in tsarist Russia. But now the proletariat has thrown off the yoke of capitalism; a broad, bright road has opened up for us, the Tatar-Bashkir nationalists. I went to study at a 3-year construction school. I studied hard without sleeping at night. From 1930 to 1932, he worked on a collective farm and saw that as a result of collectivization, the situation of the peasantry improved many times. I was drawn to learning. He went to Leningrad and enrolled in a glider pilot course. I will be a pilot, I will defend the Soviet borders from enemies. I am no longer a shepherd in a torn shirt and bast shoes, I fly through the air, I am a Soviet pilot 14.

The representatives of the pre-revolutionary Tatar-Muslim community who remained in the city either lived out their days quietly or fulfilled the public duties they had assumed before the revolution, such as the merchant and philanthropist Muhammad-Alim Maksutov. Few of them continued to enjoy the same influence in the qualitatively changed Muslim community of Petrograd.

The Muslim community in the 1920s

In 1917, the famous Muslim theologian Musa Jarulla Bigeev (1879-1949) became imam-khatib15th Petrograd Cathedral Mosque. But in the early 1920s, he was busy with social and political affairs, and was unable to perform the functions of the spiritual head of the Muslims of Petrograd. In 1920, Bigeev invited Yakub Kamalovich Khalekov 16 (1887-after 1951) as imam - khatib. Earlier, in 1910-1917, he served as an imam in Vologda. In 1918, Khalekov arrived in Petrograd and took a job as a worker in the Vostochny Grocery Store, then entered the foreman in the sewage supply train. Ibragim Batyrbayevich recommended Khalekov for the post of imam-khatib
14. TsGALI Spb. f. 258. Op. 6. D. 30. L. 25 / / cit. by: Smirnova T. M. Not cogs, but electrons! // History of St. Petersburg. 2012. N 3 (67). P. 59.

15. Imam-khatib (Arabic) - orator, preacher) - here is an imam who speaks in a mosque (or prayer room) during the Friday prayer with a sermon. Daily five-fold prayers in the mosque on other days, as a rule, are conducted by ordinary imams.

16. Some documents contain the following spelling of the imam's surname: Khalikov. However, since Yakub Kemalevich himself signed mostly as Khalekov, in this article we will use this option.

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Batyrbaev, who served as treasurer of the Muslim Charity Society and the Committee for the construction of the Cathedral Mosque in St. Petersburg. Khalekov was unemployed at the time of his appointment as imam and was Batyrbayev's son-in-law. Kamaletdin Basyrovich Basyrov (1876 - after 1931), who lived in the Children's Village (since 1937 - Pushkin), worked together with Khalekov imam. From 1920 to 1928, Basyrov headed a Muslim parish located at 1/3 Bolshaya Moskovskaya St., despite the opening of the Cathedral Mosque for believers in 1913. The parish on Bolshoy Moskovskaya Street operated until its closure in 1928.

A parish council was organized at the mosque - the "twenty", which was responsible for administrative and economic issues that were not within the competence of the imams.

By the beginning of the 20th century, in addition to St. Petersburg, a number of cities in the St. Petersburg and Vyborg provinces (Kronstadt, Vyborg, Luga, etc.) had Muslim mosques or chapels. They usually occupied one or more rooms in the home of a wealthy member of the community, who was often its informal leader. This was the case, for example, in Luga, where the Muslim chapel was located until 1919 in the house of Valey (Vali) Habibulovich Saparov (c. 1889-1919). In 1919, the chapel was attacked by anarchists, and Valey Saparov himself was killed defending the house from robbers.17
In the archive of Saparov's great-grandson, two photos have been preserved, which depict Valey Khabibullovich with his wife and children. According to his grandson, his grandfather, a well-known Leningrad journalist Arif Saparov, did not tell his family anything about his father. A communist by conviction, Arif Saparov preferred not to talk about who Valey Saparov was, but fortunately, he did not destroy the photos on which he was captured.

In another city near Leningrad - Kronstadt, the mosque on Peterburgskaya Street worked until 1927. In 1926, Imam Muhammad-Fatih Zagafarov (1884 - ?) and three members of the parish council ("twenty") of the mosque were expelled from Kronstadt. On November 27, 1927, the mosque was evicted from the house it had occupied since 1870, and the proceeds from the property sold were sent to the treasury. The two-story mosque building itself was lost in the middle of the 20th century.

17. Currently, the former Saparov House (54 Uritskogo str.) houses a children's art center.

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Unfortunately, the chances of finding any photographic materials concerning the religious life of Muslims in the fortress city before and after the revolution are extremely low.

Most of the photographic materials dating back to the 1920s came to us from the family archives of the heirs of imams Bigeyev and Khalekov, as well as the Tatar journalist Karim Mukhametshich Sagidov (1888-1939). Several photos from these years are group shots at the Cathedral Mosque. The tradition of taking group photos at the mosque began almost from the moment the foundation stone was laid in 1910. After the mosque was opened in 1913, there are many pictures of Muslims arriving in Petrograd. The most famous are the photographs of the "Wild Division", which arrived in Petrograd at the end of August 1917 at the invitation of the Muslims of the capital after the prevention of the "Kornilov action". Group photos at the entrance to the mosque, dating back to the 1920s, as well as to the 1960s and 1980s, have come down to our time.

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There are practically no photos related to the 1930s.. During the years of mass repression and persecution of religion, few people dared to film religious practices in the city named after Lenin. Moreover, photos taken in previous years and containing Arabic inscriptions on the back were often destroyed by the owners of photo archives themselves. Thus, we were unable to find any photos of the khatib imams Yakub Khalekov and Kemal Basyrov, who were arrested on the night of February 15-16, 1931. On this night, the Muslim community of Leningrad was subjected to a real rout. In addition to Khalekov and Basyrov, 25 other people were arrested, including the wife and children of M. Bigeyev, members of the" twenty " at the Cathedral Mosque. These arrests were connected with Musa Bigeyev's flight abroad in 1930.18
The main defendants in the case were Imams Khalekov and Basyrov. The case file stated the following: "These mullahs, grouping around them like-minded people of the nationalist k-r ideology from active mosque parishioners (members of the 20-tki and a merchant element with links to Tatar emigration in Finland), masquerading as religious rites, engaged in anti-Soviet agitation." 19 The same document provides an estimate of the size of the Tatar-Muslim community of Leningrad in the early 1930s: "As a result, the k-r group at the mosque gained such authority that 5-6 thousand people of the Tatar colony flocked to the mosque to pray on holidays, which is 20-25% of the total number of the latter"20. We can only express our regret that not a single photograph of the mosque's parishioners in the late 1920s and early 1930s has come down to us. Only a few group staged photos in front of the main entrance of the mosque belong to this period. As a rule, such photos were taken on the occasion of the arrival of important guests.

18. Photos of Bigeyev himself and his family members have survived in the Bigeyev family archive.

19. Indictment on sled. Case No. 111999 on charges of a nationalist counter-revolutionary group headed by Mullahs Khalikov Yakub (original typo: Yakuba - R. B.) and Basyrov Kemal, in the pr. pr. article 58-4 of the Criminal Code l. 368-369 (Archive of the Center "Returned Names" at the National Welfare Fund).

20. Ibid., l. 369.

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Those arrested were accused, among other things, of having links with the Tatar-Muslim community in Finland. Indeed, until the early 1930s, the Soviet-Finnish border was virtually transparent, so the connection of Leningrad Tatars with Tatars living in Finland was not interrupted.21 Entrepreneurs who settled in Finland before the revolution helped their fellow Mishars who lived in Leningrad. Thus, one of Bigeev's active sponsors was Zinetulla Ahsan Bere, who had lived in Tampere since 1920. His father-in-law, Kemaletdin Bedratdinov, who lived in the Children's Village and specialized in the meat trade before the revolution, was among those arrested on the night of February 15-16, 1931.

Of the 27 people arrested in the Bigeyev case, 23 were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment by the Decision of the OGPU Board of July 23, 1931. Bigeyev's wife Asma khanum and children Akhmed, Mariam and Hind were exiled from Leningrad for three years.22
The defeat of the leadership of the Leningrad Muslim community created prerequisites for curtailing religious activity in the city, but the mosque continued to function until 1940.

21. There are cases when Tatars managed to smuggle their relatives to Finland in the mid-1930s. So, for example, in 1935, the former leader of the Teriok Muslims in 1911-1916. Zinetulla Ahsan Bere was able to transfer his mother Merhab Ibragimova (1855-1941) from the USSR across the Soviet-Finnish border.

22. Indictment on sled. case No. 111999 ... l. 392-393.

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Tatar Cemetery in Volkova Village as a center of religious activity of Leningrad Muslims in the 1940s-1950s

Photos related to the period of the siege of Leningrad were also inaccessible to us. Some Muslims were evacuated. During these years, the last representatives of the pre-revolutionary Muslim intelligentsia passed away. One of the last was killed in the first winter of the siege of 1941-1942. Ismail Nomanovich Lemanov (1871-1942), former editor of the newspaper Millyat, published in 1913-1915 in St. Petersburg by a Muslim group of deputies of the State Duma of the fourth convocation.

The Tatar cemetery in Volkova Village was then located on the outskirts of the city, and for people living in other areas, it was a real feat to deliver the body of the deceased to the final resting place. But it was more reliable and worthy for the memory of the deceased to do this himself than to entrust the case to the funeral team. Few people were able to observe the Muslim rite and bury the body on the day of death before sunset. All the dead were buried in a mass grave. To bury a person in a separate grave, the relatives of the deceased gave gold and other jewelry or exchanged gold for bread and paid with bread to those who buried the body. So, my grandmother buried her mother on the Tatar site of the Novo-Volkovsky cemetery, paying for the work of private gravediggers with a loaf of bread and gold jewelry. A small stick or board was placed on the grave, to which a small plate or cardboard box with the last name, first name and patronymic and dates of life was attached with wire. By the end of the war, many graves of the blockade period were lost. Many individual graves were dug in violation of sanitary norms, at a depth less than the required 80 cm from the ground surface. Therefore, later reburials were carried out in city cemeteries, including Novo-Volkovskoye, and it was no longer possible to establish the resting place of a loved one for many survivors of the siege.23
After the end of the war, new residents arrived in Leningrad, and the composition of the Tatar-Muslim community of the city was renewed again, as it was after the October Revolution, that is, during the Great Patriotic War.

23. Yarov S. V. Everyday life of besieged Leningrad, Moscow: Molodaya gvardiya, 2013, p. 186.

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the lives of one generation. Some former residents who returned from the evacuation or from the front had to change their place of residence, as their apartments were occupied by other residents. So, for example, it happened with my grandmother, who before the war and in the first years of the blockade before the evacuation lived in a communal apartment on Marata Street in the Five Corners area - a place of compact residence of Tatar Mishars in the early XX century.

Despite some of Stalin's wartime religious easing measures, Islam was largely unaffected. Renewed petitions to open the Leningrad Cathedral Mosque to the faithful after the war were never granted. Muslims were forced to gather for Friday and holiday prayers at the Tatar section of the Novo-Volkovsky cemetery.

The Tatar section of the Novo-Volkovsky Cemetery is one of the oldest surviving Muslim cemeteries in Europe. It was founded in 1826 in response to the request of the military akhun24th Separate Guards Corps D. Khantemirov: a plot of two tithes of land was allocated for the Muslim cemetery on the bank of the Volkovka River in the area of Volkova Village - three versts from the city. Obviously, the main reason for choosing this place was that under Catherine II, Turkish prisoners of war who lived near Volkova Village were compactly buried here.

After the October Revolution, the Tatar Cemetery continued to serve as a resting place for Tatars and representatives of other peoples who profess Islam. Over time, graves of people who can be called Muslims only because of their ethnicity began to appear here more and more often. But certain rules of burial according to the Muslim rite were also observed here: for example, the dead, as a rule, were buried in a shroud, without a coffin. This is confirmed by the photographs at our disposal from public and private archives dating back to the 1950s and 1980s.

After the mosque was closed to the faithful in 1940, the significance of the Novo-Volkovsky cemetery in the life of Muslims increased. The cemetery became a venue for Friday prayers, which gathered several hundred people. In other words, Muslims have returned to the situation of a hundred years ago - when there was still no peace.-

24. Ahun-the spiritual title of a Muslim theologian. In a number of regions of the Russian Empire, Akhun was the head of the Muslim clergy.

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The Cathedral mosque was built. Believers came here from all over Leningrad and from the nearest suburbs.

After the war, the cemetery continued to serve as a place for Friday prayers. During the Eid al-Adha and Eid al-Adha holidays, 7-8 thousand people gathered at the cemetery.25 We have at our disposal several photographs taken by a Leningrad photographer, an employee of the State Museum of the History of Religion and Atheism of the USSR Academy of Sciences D. I. Iskhakov in 1954 at the Tatar cemetery. In the photos, we see groups of worshippers during the holiday and Friday prayers, mostly elderly men and women. One of the photographs taken in 1954 shows a janaza namaz (funeral prayer). It is noteworthy that in this picture there are quite a few women (about one-third of the total number), who are located in the background-behind men.

In 1964. The Tatar section of the Novo-Volkovsky cemetery was partially preserved. However, every year new burials appeared in the cemetery - often on the site of abandoned old ones.

25. Tagirdzhanova A. N. In the church could sound the azan ... / / History of St. Petersburg. 2008. N 2 (42). pp. 53-60.

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Other old Muslim cemeteries in the territory that is now administratively part of St. Petersburg or the Leningrad Region are not so "lucky". By 1917, Muslim cemeteries (plots) existed in the following localities that are now part of St. Petersburg or the Leningrad Region: Lyuban (since the late 18th century), Tsarskoye Selo (since the 1820s), and Kronstadt (since the late 19th century). XIX century), Gatchina (since 1851), Luga (since the beginning of the XIX century). XX century), Peterhof (from the beginning. XX century), Tosno (since 1905), Novaya Ladoga (since 1906), Vyborg (since 1911), Terioki (since 1916)26. By the middle of the last century, most of these cemeteries were irretrievably lost. For example, according to an old resident of Luga Borislav Bronislavovich Takanaev, the Muslim cemetery in Luga was almost completely destroyed during the war, as the Germans were stationed here and active military operations were conducted.27 However, the nearby Jewish cemetery survived. This, in our opinion, is explained by the fact that the tombstones of the Tatars were made of short-lived material. Sometimes they were just small wooden signs over mounds. Some of the mounds have survived to this day, but local old-timers could not help me with the identification of these graves. The monuments on the graves of the early 20th century belong to representatives of the Takanaev family, but they are not pre-revolutionary, but new, dating back to the 1960s and installed by B. B. Takanaev himself.28
Some Muslim necropolises disappeared before the war. Thus, the Mohammedan cemetery in Tsarskoye Selo, which appeared around the same time as the Tatar cemetery in St. Petersburg, was lost due to the fault of the Muslims themselves. According to officials of the Palace Administration, which was responsible for the Azan cemetery, the Mohammedan site was already in a deplorable state in 190929.

Muslims of Leningrad in the second half of the 20th century

The first post-war decade was a time of consolidation of the Muslim community of Leningrad. The struggle for the return of the mosque has united the city's Muslims, among whom, as already mentioned-

26. For more information, see: Bekkin R. I. Forgotten Muslim cemeteries in the vicinity of St. Petersburg. 2014. N 1. pp. 81-85.

27. PMA (author's field materials). Interview with B. B. Takanaev, 10.08.2015.

28. Photos of these monuments made by Takanaev himself have been preserved.

29. On the petition of the Mohammedans living in Tsarskoye Selo to cut land for the expansion of the Mohammedan cemetery / / RGIA. F. 487. Op. 4. D. 686. L. 8ob.

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It was assumed that there were both old-timers and people who arrived in Leningrad after the war.

Above, we mentioned the photos that show the Friday and holiday prayer at the Tatar site of the Novo-Volkovsky cemetery in 1954. Several photos show middle-aged and elderly men and women. Both men and women are dressed the same way: men in dark coats, women in long skirts and sweatshirts. Among men's headdresses there are hats, skullcaps, caps, caps.

The most important event in the history of the Muslim community of Leningrad and the Leningrad region was 1956. This year, the Cathedral Mosque was reopened for worship. There is a legend that this happened after the Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlar Nehru, who visited Leningrad in June 1955, wanted to visit the mosque, but it was closed 30.

Even if this is only a beautiful story and Nehru has nothing to do with it, it was thanks to high-ranking guests from Eastern countries that the mosque was opened to the faithful again. The program of visiting delegations from Muslim countries, as a rule, always included the item "Visit to the Leningrad Cathedral Mosque". A large number of photographs that have come down to us show a visit to the mosque by Indonesian President A. Sukarno (in August 1956 and in June 1961), the President of GA. Naser (in May 1958), delegations from India, Lebanon, Pakistan and other countries.

It is no coincidence that official photographs make up a significant part of photographs dating back to the 1950s and 1970s. They depict imams-khatibs of the mosque Gabdulbari Nizamutdinovich Isaev (1907-1983) and Hafiz Valievich Makhmutov (1937-2006), members of the "twenty" at the mosque together with foreign guests.

It is obvious that official photographs showing the Muslim community in a favorable light for the Soviet leadership of the city and country cannot fully serve as an illustration of the religious life of Leningrad's Muslims in the post-war period. However, as a supplement to the diaries and reports of the imams of the Leningrad Cathedral Mosque, they are an important source for understanding what was happening in the leadership of the community.

We were mostly interested in the pictures that depict Muslim rituals: naming (isem kushu),

30. How Smolny outsmarted Jawaharlal Nehru // Vecherniy Peterburg. 2010. N 185 (25454). March 15, p. 9.

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wedding (nikah), funeral cycle, etc., held on the initiative of Leningrad Muslims. Among the rites presented in the available images, the funerary rites predominate. Less often there are photos that record the rites of naming and marriage. This is explained by the fact that these rites mainly concerned young people, who for the most part were already far from Islamic traditions.31
Despite the fact that, according to Muslim tradition, it is not customary to photograph funerals, photos have come down to us from family archives that reflect stories related to death and the funeral rite. Several subjects can be distinguished: (1) janaza-namaz - both in the courtyard of the mosque in Leningrad, and directly at the cemetery itself (Leningrad, Luga); (2) photos of people at the bedside of the deceased (Leningrad); (3) photos of people at the grave (Luga) or photos of tombstones (Luga, Gatchina). If the first group of photographs is of a reporter's nature and is usually taken by professional photographers, then in the second and third groups, the images are mostly amateur and are a unique documentary evidence reflecting the features of the Islamic funeral and memorial cycle.

According to M. Safarov, a researcher of the history of the Tatar community in Moscow, it is not uncommon to find images of a deceased person in a coffin in the family archives of Moscow Tatars.32 We have never seen such photos in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad region - except for one picture where a group of people is standing over the body of a deceased woman wrapped in a shroud. On the back there is an inscription in Tatar: "Бар вафатын да белмәдек кадәр генә, Инде кочаклап жыгылабыз кабер [гә] генә" 1939 нче ел, 24 нче сентябрь"33.

Photographic materials depicting fragments of the life of Muslim communities in the Leningrad region are of special interest to us.-

31. According to the data provided by G. V. Starovoitova, in the post-war period, the traditional funeral rite was the most frequently observed Muslim rite even in the urban environment, it was followed by 67-73% of Tatars (fully or partially) (Starovoitova G. V. Etnicheskaya gruppa v sovremennom sovetskom gorod / / Sotsiologicheskie ocherki / ed. by K. V. Chistov.: Science. Leningr. otd - nie, 1987, pp. 117-118).

32. Safarov M. Islam in Soviet Moscow [Lecture] [http://islamoved.ru/2016/videolektsii-marata-safarova-islam-v-sovetskoj-moskve/, accessed from 5.04.2016].

33 ." We didn't know about her demise [until now]. Now it remains only to fall on the grave and embrace it " 1939, September 24 (translated from the Tatar by A.M. Akhunov).

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there was a lot of interest due to their small number. In a number of cities in the region during the Soviet era, there were unofficial (extra-local) mullahs. The most famous of them was Mutugulla Gaynulovich Khamitov (1897-1972), who lived in Gatchina. A non-local mullah, as a rule, was a person who managed to get a primary or secondary religious education (mainly in the Volga region or in the Urals). The activities of unofficial mullahs became particularly important after the mosque was closed in 1940, but also after 1956. they continued their work, helping the imams who worked at the Cathedral Mosque to conduct religious rites both in the region and in Leningrad itself. However, now they had to build relations not only with the secular authorities, but also with the official clergy.

The sphere of activity of non-family mullahs included the performance of such rites as naming, nikah, funeral. Unofficial mullahs also participated in majlises34 and collected sadaqa35. The authorities usually knew

34. The Majlis is a religious assembly associated with the performance of certain religious rites.

35. Sadaqa-voluntary charity in Islam. Typically, sadaqa was a payment received by an unofficial mullah from the faithful for performing the rite.

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They also reported on the activities of the unofficial mullah and even interacted with him as a representative of the faithful.

Mutugulla Khamitov performed not only a local function, but also was actually an informal leader of the Muslims of Leningrad. According to the St. Petersburg local historian D. A. Aminov, Khamitov in the post - war years - up to the opening of the Cathedral Mosque in 1956-held Friday prayers at the Tatar section of the Novo-Volkovsky cemetery 36. This is confirmed by photos from the collections of the State Museum of the History of Religion and private archives, including the daughter of Mutugulla Khamitov. After 1956, Khamitov continued to serve as an extra-local mullah in Gatchina and its environs. At the same time, he was also invited to official events (including those related to the visit of foreign delegations), as evidenced by photographic materials from public and private archives.

In private archives, we managed to find several photographs of another unofficial mullah in the 1940s and 1960s-Ganey Fazlullovich Tatukov (1892-1969), who lived in the town of Luga. Two of the photos show Tatukov together with his family, while the other three show him performing a funeral rite at the Luga Muslim cemetery.

In the 1960s, the generation of imams who had received a theological education before the revolution began to leave. But this does not mean that the unofficial mullahs have disappeared. Some members of the official clergy have previously worked as unofficial spiritual leaders, such as Gabdulbari Nizamutdinovich Isaev, imam-khatib of the Leningrad Cathedral Mosque (1956-1971). In the 1930s. Isayev was an unofficial mullah in Kyrgyzstan, where he had moved to escape repression. In one of the photos from a private archive, presumably dating back to 1955, Isaev is depicted during prayer at the Tatar site of the Novo-Volkovsky cemetery. This unique photo captures the moment when Isaev was already appointed imam, but the mosque itself has not yet been handed over to the faithful (this happened at the very end of the year).

The history of the Leningrad Muslim community also knows the opposite example, when the official imam passed into the category of unofficial ones. The above-mentioned imam-khatib Yakub Khalekov, after his release in 1937, lived first in Tashkent, and then, in the late 1940s, in Orekhov-Zuev near Moscow,

36. Aminov D. A. Tatary v Sankt-Peterburgu: Ist. ocherk [Tatars in Saint Petersburg: Historical essay].

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where he served as an unofficial mullah among his fellow Tatar Mishars 37.

Khalekov's example is not unique to the history of the Muslim community in Leningrad. From the late 1970s until his death in 2006, the unofficial mullah was the former imam-khatib of the Leningrad Cathedral Mosque, Hafiz Valievich Makhmutov.

Hafiz Makhmutov - dissident mullah in the city of Lenin

Makhmutov is, in his own way, a tragic figure among the Muslim spiritual leaders of the Soviet era. His example is interesting not only because he went from being an official imam to an unofficial one. By the early 1980s, Makhmutov had effectively become a dissident, a harsh critic of Soviet policies toward Muslims.

Hafiz Makhmutov became the imam-khatib of the Leningrad Cathedral Mosque in 1972 at the age of 37, and in 1977 was dismissed

37. PMA. Interview with G. A. Bautdinov, 24.10.2015.

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He was dismissed from this position by his predecessor, and at that time - Chairman of the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of European Russia and Siberia (DMES) G. N. Isaev. One of the reasons was a personal conflict between Makhmutov and Isaev. When the latter was elected Mufti of DAMES in 1975, Makhmutov voted against his candidacy, considering Isaev unworthy of this high and responsible post.38
The photos that have come down to us do not tell us anything about this conflict between the two imams. But this is only at first glance. The small number or even absence (according to our information) of photos showing Isaev and Makhmutov together speaks volumes. Meanwhile, according to Makhmutov's diaries, it is known that he often met with Isaev, including in Leningrad, when the latter was already working as chairman of the Duma.

This conflict can also be seen as a conflict between two generations of Muslim spiritual leaders. Born in 1907. Isaev did not have a higher religious education, but managed to finish the madrasah in the village of Tyulyuganovo in the Birsky canton of BASSR in 1926. Makhmutov, born in 1937, became one of the most educated young imams in the 1960s.. In other words, Isaev and Makhmutov were people who were formed in different eras, had different education and did not have the same idea of the Sharia-compliant code of conduct for a spiritual leader in an atheist state. What looked familiar in Isaev's eyes (communication with a curator from the "organs", etc.), seemed immoral to Makhmutov39.

His removal from office changed Makhmutov's fate. If this had not happened, he would have remained a loyal imam, who would have written and voiced sermons about the struggle for world peace, etc., pleasing to the Soviet authorities, but driven into a corner, he involuntarily became an oppositionist.

Even after his resignation, Makhmutov continued to enjoy authority among a significant part of the mosque's parishioners. New Imam-khatib Zhafar Nasibullovich Ponchaev on his knowledge

38. " The Council (Council for Religious Affairs - R. B.) and the KGB held a plenum of DUMES in Ufa at the end of 1975, where they dragged "their man" Isaev Bariya to the position of mufti. I protested against the violation of Article 52 of the Constitution of the USSR (on freedom of conscience and the separation of church and state-R. B.) and interference in church affairs and fell out of favor with them" (Autobiography of Kh. V. Makhmutov, l. 5 // Family archive of M. H. Makhmutova).

39. Diary of Kh. V. Makhmutov. November 1975, l. 2 / / Family archive of M. Kh. Makhmutova.

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and he lost out to Hafiz Hazrat in terms of moral authority. However, he was quite satisfied with the chairman who appointed him, Duma Isaev, the party authorities of Leningrad and the KGB.40 Some believers stopped attending Friday prayers in mosques after Makhmutov left. Meanwhile, Makhmutov himself did not miss a single Friday prayer without a valid reason, even when he was already confined to a wheelchair. He was always seen in the first row of worshippers.41
Majlises were regularly held in Makhmutov's apartment, and students came to study theology. Makhmutov's wife also helped her husband with religious education - she conducted classes with women and girls, that is, she served as a real abystay42.

Ponchaev could not accept the presence of an authoritative spiritual leader in the "subordinate" city and regularly began to contact the competent authorities with reports of Makhmutov's "illegal activities" that allegedly undermined the foundations of the Soviet state.43 He continued to act in the same spirit during the years of Perestroika and after the fall of Soviet power.44
In 1983, Makhmutov turned to the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU Yu. V. Andropov with a letter calling on the new Soviet leader to change his policy towards religion. The Government's response was immediate. On April 25, 1983, Makhmutov and his wife were detained in the reception room of the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and sent to the Serbsky Institute of Forensic Psychiatry. From there, the Makhmutovs were sent to the Skvortsov-Stepanov Psychiatric Hospital No. 3 in Leningrad for compulsory "treatment". The former imam-khatib was kept in the hospital for 3 months, and his wife-for about 6 months.45
40. Autobiography of Kh. V. Makhmutov. L. 5 // Family archive of M. H. Makhmutova.

41. In the film" Islam in the USSR", filmed in 1980, Makhmutov was photographed among the worshippers at the Moscow Cathedral Mosque in Vypolzov Lane.

42. Abystay - here a woman who knows Muslim rituals well; performs a religious and educational function among Muslim women.

43. PMA. Interview with M. H. Makhmutova, 28.08.2015.

44. Ibid.

45. Statement to the President, Congress and State Department of the USA from the citizen of the USSR Makhmutov Hafiz Valievich, religious figure. l. 4 / / Family archive of M. Kh. Makhmutova.

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So the romantic imam became a dissident. After his release from the hospital, Makhmutov continued his religious and educational activities as an unofficial mullah. According to Makhmutov himself, he taught " all those who wanted Arabic language and literature, the basics of Islam, the Koran and Hadith, 79 branches of Islam (faith)"46. He performed the rites of naming, nikakha, and recited the funeral prayer ("funeral service" - in the terminology of Makhmutov 47).

Photos from the family album of Makhmutov's daughter Maimuna Hafizovna date mainly from the years of her father's work as an official imam in the Leningrad Cathedral Mosque. For the most part, these are protocol photos showing the visits of foreign delegations. There are also images of Muslim rituals: janaza-namaza, less often-naming. According to Maimuna Hafizovna, the photos from the 1980s may have been lost as a result of a fire that occurred in their apartment in 2008.48 However, she did not rule out that such photos simply might not have existed: when her father was an unofficial imam, he was almost never photographed.49 This was confirmed by our other informants. Photos were not taken during the Majlises for obvious reasons.

Makhmutov continued his work as an extra-local mullah during the years of Perestroika. There were two centers of religious life in the city: the official one (attached to the Cathedral Mosque) and the unofficial one (grouped around Kh.V. Makhmutov). Since 1987, courses on the basics of Islam, Qur'anic studies and Arabic have been held at the im. The Karl Marx Tatar Culture Lovers Club named after M. Jalil, later transformed into the Leningrad Tatar Cultural Center50.
46. Autobiography of Kh. V. Makhmutova, L. 3 / / Family archive of M. Kh. Makhmutova.

47. For more information on the use of Christian terms by Muslim religious figures, see, for example: Bustanov, A., Kemper, M. (2013)" The Russian Orthodox and Islamic Languages in the Russian Federation", Slavica Tergestina 15 (Slavia Islamica): 258-277.

48. PMA. Interview with M. H. Makhmutova, 28.08.2015.

49. Ibid.

50. Islam in St. Petersburg. Entsiklopedicheskiy slovar ' [Encyclopedia], Moscow: Medina Publ., 2009 [http://www.idmedina.ru/books/encyclopedia/?3389, accessed from 5.04.2016].

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By the beginning of Perestroika, the Tatar intelligentsia, secular in spirit and lifestyle, was more concerned with the revival of national culture than religion. The main holiday for the majority of Tatars and Bashkirs living in Leningrad, as in Soviet times, was still Sabantuy, and not Eid al-Adha or Eid al-Adha.51 However, at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, more and more young people began to visit the mosque. The images from the last years of Soviet rule show the change of generations of Muslims in Leningrad and in the country as a whole. So, in one of the photos from the funds of the TSGAKFFD SPb, two middle-aged men help two old women down the steps of the mosque. The photos that have come down to us show that the predominantly mono-ethnic character of the Muslim community of Leningrad was preserved during the years of Perestroika. The appearance of a significant number of representatives of other peoples who traditionally profess Islam among the parishioners of the Cathedral Mosque dates back to the mid-1990s.

In conclusion, it should be noted that, despite the democratization of public and religious life in the late 1980s and early 1990s, the Muslim community of Leningrad continued to live by inertia in almost the same coordinate system as before. This was particularly evident in the situation with spiritual leaders. Zh. N. Ponchaev remained the Imam-khatib of the Cathedral Mosque, while Kh. V. Makhmutov, despite the fact that he managed to register the Local religious organization of St. Petersburg Muslims "Al-Fatah" in 1993, continued to de facto remain the unofficial imam of St. Petersburg.

The stagnation in the religious life of the community, which continued in the 1990s, is reflected in the photographs that have come down to us. In terms of their volume and content, they are not much higher than the photographic materials of the 1980s and are significantly inferior to the 1950s and 1970s. However, the history of the Muslim community in new Russia at the end of the XX - beginning of the XXI century deserves a separate study.

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