The recent civil war and changes in the confessional composition of Lebanese society have led to the transformation of the State institutions of this small Arab country, which has a unique parliamentary structure and a constitution based on French legislation.

Keywords: Middle East, Lebanon, Lebanese crisis, confessionalism, Lebanese political system.

In the decades-long Middle East conflict, which involves not only countries located in the region, but also other States, Lebanon does not occupy the most prominent place. After the civil war of the 1970s and 1980s, it lost its role as a Middle Eastern financial center and gradually lost its independence in solving many important state problems. The Lebanese State had to make considerable efforts to maintain a balance between the interests of internal and external forces. During this period, Lebanese society underwent various changes, which led to the need to transform State institutions. Let's look at the most notable of them.

It is well known that the political structure of this country was built from the very beginning on the principles of confessional representation, in accordance with the size of a particular religious community, which distinguished Lebanon not only from Western countries, but also from neighboring Arab states. Despite some reservations in legal acts, in practice in Lebanon, the religious affiliation of a candidate for a particular post has always been taken into account first, and only then - his professional and personal qualities. The confessional principle is the basis of the country's electoral system. The situation is aggravated by the fact that political parties, with some exceptions, are again built on a religious platform and "in reality represent nothing more than confessional clans" (Rizk, 1966, p.4). This statement of the Lebanese scientist Charles Rizk remains relevant to this day.

Thus, any changes in the state structure of the country became impossible without decisive changes in the religious and social composition of society itself. 18 religious communities are major players in Lebanese politics. According to the law, since Ottoman times, they have been managing family law in accordance with their traditions. Additional instability is created by the heterogeneity of these communities themselves, the internal political struggle of various groups within them.

Before the beginning of the civil war, there were 2.4 million people living in Lebanon (according to 2009 data, the population of Lebanon was 4.17 million people) [krugosvet.ru/]. About 50% of the population professed Islam, respectively, the other half-Christianity. Among Christians, the Maronite community was the largest, accounting for 54% of all Lebanese Christians. The Greek Orthodox community accounted for 20%, Uniates (Greek Catholics)-11%, Christians of the Armenian Apostolic Church-10%, Armenian Catholics-2%, Protestants-1%, others

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Christian minorities - 2%. Of the Muslim community, the most numerous was Sunni (46% of all Muslims), Shiite (40%), and Druze (14%) [Man, State..., 1972, p. 260-264; Melnikov, 1970, p. 156].

Over the next twenty-plus years, the religious composition of the Lebanese population has undergone significant changes, which, along with other factors, have played a decisive role in reforming the political and power structure of the State.

According to current estimates, Christian Lebanese no longer make up the majority of the population, numbering about 40%; the number of Muslims, including Druze, reaches 60%. At the same time, the largest Muslim community was the Shiite one. The number of its adherents exceeded 50%. Sunnis make up one-third of all Lebanese Muslims [krugosvet.ru/]. Among the main reasons for demographic changes in the confessional composition of the country's population are the displacement of Christians and their emigration, the higher birth rate of Muslims, and their relocation to Lebanon. Despite a marked decline in the number of Lebanese Christians, even now Lebanon has the largest percentage of the Arab Christian population. The demographic and religious composition of the country's population is still strongly influenced by the Palestinian factor. About 400,000 Palestinian refugees live in Lebanon, so all the problems of the Arab-Israeli conflict affect Lebanon as well.

It should be emphasized that the statistics presented here reflect reality very roughly, since each religious community is interested in overestimating the number of its adherents. At the same time, despite disputes about the percentage of confessional groups, religious leaders avoid conducting a new general population census for fear that this may cause another round of inter-confessional conflicts. The last official census in Lebanon was conducted in 1932.

The obvious changes in the religious composition of the Lebanese population in favor of Muslims, primarily Shiites, increased the pressure of their communities on both the central and local government structures. Demands for revision of a number of articles of the Constitution, in particular, the weakening of the power of the Maronite president, have increased. The civil war exposed the political disintegration of society. Power in the country was in the hands of the leaders of numerous armed groups that controlled small areas. Nevertheless, the mechanism of State administration remained intact, and from time to time various political forces made attempts to restore the prerogatives of the central government.

The exhausting civil war, the presence of Syrian troops in the country, the disorganization of the economy, as well as changes in the demographic composition of the population have raised the question of bringing the political structure in line with the new realities. On September 30, 1989, members of the Lebanese Parliament met in the Saudi city of Al-Taif (the military situation in Beirut did not allow this). The agreements in Al-Taif, reached with the help of the Committee of Three (Algeria, Saudi Arabia and Morocco), led to the drafting and adoption on October 22 of the "Charter of National Accord", which declared the elimination of political confessionalism, the adoption of a new electoral law, administrative decentralization, and other urgent reforms as the main national task. Representatives of the three main communities were assigned only the highest posts. The principle of confessional representation was formally abolished in all levels of the state apparatus, the court, the army and security agencies, state and mixed sector institutions, with the exception of officials of the first category (from the director of the department and above), where the rule of equal representation of Christians and Muslims began to apply [Mezher, 1999, pp. 14-17].

The Parliament (the Chamber of Deputies or Assembly of Representatives - Majlis al-Nawab) was expanded from 99 to 128 deputies, elected by universal suffrage.

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rights for a period of four years based on the principle of fixed representation from religious communities. It is composed of 64 Muslims (27 Sunnis, 27 Shiites, 8 Druze and 2 Alawites) and 64 Christians (34 Maronites, 14 Greek Orthodox, 8 Greek Catholics, 5 Armenian Gregorians, 1 Armenian Catholic, 1 Protestant and also 1 other Christian, optional). The functions of the Parliament itself have hardly changed in the last period. It still elects the President, approves the composition of the Government and controls its activities, reviews major international treaties and agreements before their ratification by the President, elects members of the Supreme Court, approves laws and the state budget of the republic [krugosvet.ru/]. The head of the Republic-the President-is elected by the Parliament for a 6-year term, and one person may not hold this post twice. This rule has been violated twice: in 1995, Elias Hraoui's term of office was extended for three years, and in 2004, Emil Lahoud's presidential term was extended until November 23, 2007.

The executive branch in the Republic is represented by the Government of Lebanon, headed by the Prime Minister. The President appoints the Prime Minister and his First Deputy on the recommendation of the Parliament. The Prime Minister forms the Cabinet of Ministers on the principle of religious quotas after consulting with the President and Parliament. The President approves the composition of the cabinet, then he receives a vote of confidence in Parliament. The Government is jointly and severally liable to the Parliament and is obliged to resign if the latter passes a vote of no confidence in it [Ibid.].

The Constitution as amended in 1990 provides that with the election of the first Chamber of Deputies on a national, non-denominational basis, a Senate is established, in which all religious communities must be represented. Another change made to the Constitution was the establishment of the Constitutional Council. The Law on the Constitutional Council was adopted in 1993. This body was designed to monitor the constitutionality of laws and make decisions on conflicts that arise during the parliamentary and presidential elections. Officially recognized heads of religious communities were granted the right to consult the Council on laws relating only to personal status, freedom of faith and religious practice, and freedom of religious education.

Thus, at the end of the civil war, a successful attempt was made to eliminate the internal causes of the conflict. The National Conference adopted a new Charter of Harmony among Lebanese Communities, and based on the principles of this Charter, a new version of the Constitution was adopted. The path to a peaceful settlement of the conflict was opened, and comprehensive consultations of all interested parties began. Significant progress has been made along this path.

The results of the civil war and the 1992 parliamentary elections were not in favor of the Christian forces. The largest and most influential Maronite party, Kataib, dissatisfied with the entry of the Syrian army into Lebanon and the redistribution of power in favor of Muslims, boycotted those parliamentary elections. It continued to lose its influence, and in the next elections in 1996, its candidates failed to get into Parliament. Only in 2000, three members of the Kataib were elected to the highest legislative body, and its leadership passed to supporters of a compromise with Syria [krugosvet.ru/].

The war had fatally devastating consequences for the previously thriving Lebanese economy. The introduction of the Syrian army into Lebanon dramatically changed the situation: the Lebanese pound fell, the country's industrial and tourist infrastructure was destroyed, and capital outflow began. Lebanon as a world tourist mecca has ceased to exist. Only by the mid-1990s did the tourism sector of the economy partially recover [Ibid.]. The same thing happened with Lebanese banks. It should be noted that Lebanon's financial system is generally conservative. Taxes here are traditionally low. For example, the maximum income tax rate is 10%, and the same amount is applied to income tax [Ibid.].

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In the following years, Muslims, especially Shiites, gained an increasingly significant place in the life of the country, which had a noticeable impact on the everyday level and in everyday behavioral norms. The attempts of Muslim influential circles to give a religious character to all spheres of life - education, scientific activity, and political management of society-have intensified. Religious fundamentalism was gaining strength [Nikolaeva, 2011, pp. 197-199].

Against this background, tensions within the country did not subside, from time to time resulting in armed conflicts. The fact is that after the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Lebanese territory, but by agreement, all armed groups were disarmed, except for Hezbollah. It was designed to protect the southern border of the country. Then, when the danger of an Israeli invasion receded, Hezbollah was left, along with the army, the only group with a large number of weapons. In recent years, Hezbollah has felt so confident that it has staged demonstrative provocative military actions to destabilize the situation in the country. These military actions were intended to change the constitutional legal norms in their favor and undermine the democratic postulates on which the institutions of the Lebanese Republic are based.

September 18, 2010 at Beirut International Airport. Rafiq al-Hariri had a serious incident-the actual seizure of the airport by Hezbollah armed groups.

In the wake of this event, Saudi Al-Jazeera columnist Jasser al-Jasser wrote an article titled "The gradual destruction of Lebanon", in which he claimed that Hezbollah is trying to seize power in Lebanon with the support of Iran: "First, Hezbollah took over Southern Lebanon under the pretext of resisting the Israeli occupation; it forced the troops and the security services to leave the region, as it is, in its opinion, responsible for its security. Subsequently, the southern suburbs of the capital Beirut became a closed zone, and no one dared to fight with Hezbollah for control of this territory. After that, the military wing of this organization reached the western part of Beirut. On March 7, 2010, the capital was destroyed, media buildings and TV stations were set on fire, and Sunnis were arrested and killed " [Al-Jazeera, 17.10.2010].

The Saudi press paid much attention to the growing tension in Lebanon at that time, accusing Hezbollah of seeking to seize control of Lebanon and considering it part of an Iranian conspiracy. Arguments on this topic, however, led the authors of articles in general to a balanced conclusion. "Is it possible for a single party to seize control of Lebanon, even if it has weapons and manpower reserves? Christians cannot unite; Sunnis cannot take a unified position, despite the fact that they represent the government in the person of the Prime Minister; the same goes for Hezbollah... Each of these groups is linked by political interests to Arab, regional and international forces. Israel is also closely monitoring the situation in Lebanon, claiming to protect security in the north of the country, and making no secret of its intentions to intervene in the war with Hezbollah at any time...",-wrote the editor of the Riyadh newspaper Youssef al-Kuwaylit in October 2010. At the same time, he criticized the position of Lebanese leaders who "change their allies when the wind changes", and this leads to instability of the government and weakness of national unity. "Wars of words lead to real war," he warns [Ibid.].

Just in those days, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad paid a visit to Lebanon. Skilfully using the extremely difficult situation in the Middle East to its advantage, Iran offered to invest billions of dollars in the Lebanese economy and demanded in return that Lebanon take the toughest possible position in relation to Israel [Beirut Special Purpose, 14.10.2010]. Syria has also contributed a lot to strengthening the pro-Iranian forces represented by Hezbollah.

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The ongoing tension in this Middle Eastern country is directly related to the conflict between the Palestinian-Israeli situation and between Iran and its satellite — Syria, on the one hand, and Saudi Arabia, other Gulf states and their co-religionists in Lebanon and Syria, on the other. This is why there are frequent warnings in the Saudi press that Hezbollah is seeking to dominate Lebanon, which is part of an Iranian conspiracy. They state that all external forces based on certain religious or ethnic groups of the Lebanese population do not have a chance to fully control the country, because otherwise "...no legitimate government will be able to ensure stability and national unity" [Riyadh, 19.10.2010].

The correctness of this opinion is confirmed by the fact that the comprehensive Syrian influence on the Lebanese internal political situation, which lasted almost three decades after the entry of Syrian troops into Lebanon, has been greatly shaken by recent events in Syria itself, where the Assad regime is barely holding on and it is now not up to Lebanese affairs.

In Lebanon itself, armed incidents involving Hezbollah militia occur quite regularly. According to the Saudi newspaper Al-Jazeera, in October 2010, at least 15 vehicles filled with its fighters stormed the Beirut airport. "It was a military show of force... The Lebanese question is whether Hezbollah has added Beirut International Airport to its four protected areas... The State appears to be gradually transferring security and military control to Hezbollah..."[Al-Jazeera, 17.10.2010].

In another post, Al-Jasser suggested that Hezbollah is trying to repeat in Lebanon what Iran is doing in Iraq. He explains that Iran is trying to sow political anarchy in Arab countries in order to strengthen the control of its agents over the political systems of states that it wants to destroy. According to Al-Jasser, Hezbollah threatens not only ministers and senior politicians, but is preparing to carry out a coup, seize the government and the capital itself, using violence, as happened on May 7, 2008. At the same time, Hezbollah is using Michel Aoun's Reform and Progress party to carry out the plan of the Iranian mullahs to subjugate Lebanon, "a plan that has reached a very dangerous stage and which can cause great unrest in this civilized country, which they are trying to plunge into darkness" [Ibid.].

These concerns of the Saudi press found real confirmation in the subsequent events in Lebanon. In mid-January 2011, 11 opposition ministers resigned from the Government and the Government was forced to resign. The reason for this demarche was differences between the opposition, which relies on the support of Syria and Iran, on the one hand, and the ruling coalition led by Saad Hariri, which focuses on Western countries and Saudi Arabia, on the other. The investigation into the 2005 murder of his father, Rafik Hariri, was still a source of controversy. The independent Commission of Inquiry into this terrorist attack was transformed into the UN Special Tribunal for Lebanon, which began working in The Hague on March 1, 2009. In early 2011, the UN Special Tribunal was preparing to announce a guilty verdict on this issue. Responsibility for the assassination attempt on Hariri was assigned to four members of the subversive wing of the Shiite group Hezbollah. Hezbollah also demanded that Saad Hariri stop cooperating with the tribunal, blaming Israel for the attack. Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah refused to hand over the suspects to international justice. Based on the tribunal's decision, a coalition of Christian party leaders charged Hezbollah with involvement in the deaths of the Prime Minister and twenty-two of his aides and security guards. In addition, the Coalition sent an open letter to President Michel Suleiman on March 14, saying that the "coup d'etat" launched by Hezbollah had already led to the collapse of the national unity Government and was "directed against freedom, democracy and the constitution of Lebanon." The letter accused Hezbollah of seeking to establish the dictatorship of one party and said that the Coalition did not

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will allow the seizure of power in the country by the" armed militia " of this party and the establishment of a religious dictatorship like the Iranian one [news.mail.ru/politics/5175940/]. On this occasion, a member of the Hezbollah leadership, Nabil Kauk, said that his group "does not seek to establish control over the government and does not challenge any Lebanese denomination or political party... The resistance is not interested in seats in the government. His main concern is to protect Lebanon from American plots."

It must be said that these days, in January 2011, the country really experienced a change of political power: President Michel Suleiman entrusted the largest Lebanese businessman Najib Mikati, a Sunni Hezbollah nominee, to create a new cabinet of ministers. However, supporters of S. Hariri refused to participate in it. The country is split into two camps. Hezbollah's opponents accused it of a " constitutional coup." Mikati's candidacy was supported by the leader of the Lebanese Druze Walid Jumblatt and 6 other members of the Democratic Meeting bloc headed by him. Mikati first appointed five ministers from his home city of Tripoli, the "Sunni capital" of Lebanon, to the cabinet, and the sixth was Sunni Alautdin Terro, a deputy from the Progressive Socialist Party (PSP) of V. Jumblatt. After that, there were fewer Shiites in the government by one member, compared to Sunnis. This was due to a compromise by the Speaker of Parliament, Chairman of the Amal movement Nabih Berri, who sacrificed one seat in the Shiite quota for the sake of civil peace and support for the Mikati cabinet. Thus, about 70 deputies voted for Mikati's candidacy, which was enough to form a cabinet. On January 25, President Suleiman approved the composition of the Government.

Then the opponents of Hezbollah took to the streets. The protests took place in regions mostly populated by Sunnis. In Tripoli, the main road leading to Syria was blocked. "Serious concern" was expressed by the United States, which considers Hezbollah a terrorist organization. US financial assistance to Lebanon has been called into question [Feshchenko, 26.01.2011].

Since there is really no way to exclude Hezbollah from Lebanese political life, and no one wants a new civil war, the best option would be to reach a political compromise. According to G. Mirsky, chief researcher at IMEMO RAS, such a development would be possible if the Lebanese government did not fully side with the international commission and announce its intention to conduct its own investigation into the assassination of R. Hariri. Hezbollah would be fine with that. But then, for sure, the world will never know who killed R. Hariri, and this uncertainty will forever irritate various religious denominations in Lebanon [Ibid.].

Recently, the situation around Syria and in the Middle East as a whole has been rapidly developing according to the crisis scenario, which may lead to a direct conflict. Some analysts also called its time frame-autumn-winter 2012. One of the possible scenarios is a new war between Hezbollah and Israel in Lebanon. After the first Lebanon War in 2006-2007. Syria continued to strengthen the position of Hezbollah and rearm its units, playing the role of a corridor for the supply of weapons and money from Iran. It provided training for the movement's paramilitary groups operating inside Lebanon to strengthen their political positions and outside Lebanon to fight Israel. The established alliance of three forces - Iran, Syria and Hezbollah-uses Lebanon as a springboard for implementing their plans. Currently, Hezbollah has about 50 thousand missiles delivered mainly from Iran. Events in Syria, now in their second year, have significantly weakened this alliance. And no matter how one views the development of the Middle East conflict, it is in Lebanon's interests to preserve the internal political balance of interests of all forces, all faiths and social groups.

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A significant step in this regard was the statement in February 2012 by the leader of the Lebanese opposition, Saad Hariri, "on supporting the heroic uprising of the Syrian people." Addressing a mass rally in Beirut via teleconference from Paris, the former prime Minister called for cooperation with the Syrian National Council (SNC), which is supported by Western countries, Turkey and the Gulf monarchies. He argued that " the creation of a free and democratic Syria after the revolution will be a boon for Lebanon and will allow for the establishment of truly friendly and close relations between the fraternal peoples of neighboring countries." According to him, Lebanese Christians and Shiites should not be afraid of the fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime: "I guarantee that there will be no civil strife in Lebanon, and no expansion of Sunni extremists will happen." He also confirmed that the Al-Mustaqbal 1 movement, which he leads, defends the principles of moderation, tolerance and pluralism [Zelenin, 2012].

Meanwhile, as a preventive measure, the authorities set up army roadblocks along the entire length of the strategic Beirut-Damascus highway in the Bekaa Valley in February 2012. In Tripoli and other cities in northern Lebanon, violent clashes between Sunnis and Alawites have repeatedly occurred on the basis of events in Syria, and in May, in the very north of Lebanon, members of the Sunni community who are on the side of the Syrian leadership openly opposed their co-religionists who support the SNC.

During a visit to Russia in March 2012, Lebanese Foreign Minister Adnan Mansour said: "What is happening in Syria is alarming in Lebanon, because the negative events that are taking place now in this country can negatively affect the situation in neighboring countries, including Lebanon... No one opposes reforms, everyone is waiting for reforms, but everyone opposes violence." In conclusion, he noted: "If we want Syria to emerge from the crisis, we need to help the Syrian leadership implement reforms and ensure security. You cannot demand that the government stop using force while on the other hand it will continue" [ITAR-TASS. Foreign policy. 20.03.2012]. This is currently the official position of the Lebanese Government, which believes that maintaining neutrality in relation to the Syrian events is the best way not to be drawn into the internal crisis in the neighboring country. In turn, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov expressed Russia's position on the developments in Syria and Lebanon. He added that if the current Syrian regime falls, there is a possibility of creating a Sunni regime there under pressure from some countries in the region. Russia is concerned about the fate of Christians and other minorities - Kurds, Alawites and Druze. "Lebanon is also a multi-ethnic, multi-confessional country, where the state structure is very fragile," Lavrov concluded .

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's and Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu's visits to Beirut in mid-January this year reflect the world community's concern about the events in Syria and the possibility of their spread to neighboring countries. They held talks with Lebanese Prime Minister Nouri Mikati and took part in an international conference on the political changes taking place in Arab countries - "Reforms and Transition to Democracy". In an interview with the largest Lebanese newspaper Al-Nahar, Ban Ki-moon said that he expects the resumption of the conference on national dialogue in Lebanon under the auspices of President M. Suleiman. In addition, Ban Ki-moon traveled to the headquarters of the UN Interim Force in Lebanon in Al-Naqoura, where more than 12,000 soldiers and officers from 30 countries are working as peacekeepers to ensure the ceasefire on the Lebanese-Israeli border. The UN Secretary-General called on Lebanese leaders to disarm the Hezbollah militia in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 1559 [ITAR-TASS. News. 14-15.01.2012].

1 The future.

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The current Lebanese government of N. Mikati, in order to stabilize and reduce the degree of tension within the country, is trying to rely on new large-scale economic projects. In mid-September 2011, at a major Arab forum on investment, banking, real estate, industrial and Tourism sectors, Mikati expressed confidence that Lebanon "will succeed... to survive this sensitive period, which is dangerous due to the impact of regional crises." In his opinion, Lebanon's strength lies in its flexible democratic system, cultural diversity and openness. He told the forum participants that he is developing a comprehensive development program that "aims to increase production efficiency and improve social indicators, as well as correct the situation with the state debt ($52 billion, or 147% of GDP). A success of the Cabinet of Ministers can be considered the adoption by the Parliament of a plan for the reconstruction of the energy sector, which provides for the construction of new and modernization of existing thermal power plants, which will allow Lebanese residents to have electricity in their homes 24 hours a day by 2014 " [Zelenin, 2011, p. 44-46].

The Prime Minister's positive forecasts are related to the fact that some time ago large oil and gas deposits were discovered on the shelf of the Mediterranean Sea off the coasts of Israel, Cyprus and Lebanon. In 2011, the Parliament approved a law paving the way for the creation of the necessary legal framework for production sharing agreements with foreign firms, as well as a law on the delimitation of maritime borders, including within the exclusive economic zone in the Mediterranean Sea.

However, immediately after these steps, there were inevitable disputes with Cyprus and Israel about the development of the sea shelf. Interestingly, the" gas confrontation " is closely watched by Hezbollah, whose leader Sheikh Hassan Nasrullah has already warned Israel against encroaching on the Lebanese coast.

If we sum up the transformation of the Lebanese political and state system over the past period, we can say that it has led to a noticeable strengthening of the role of the Shiite community. At the same time, Hezbollah has an ally of President M. Suleiman, Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, as well as Druze and Christian leaders (for example, Maronite Patriarch Bishar Raya) [Ibid.].

Thus, the Lebanese cabinet of N. Mikati is gradually strengthening its position, but its pragmatic calculations largely depend on the direction in which events in Syria will develop and how Iran will react to them. There is no answer yet to the question of whether Israel will take advantage of the weakening of Syria to strike at Shiite militants. The Lebanese, of course, understand that their country can easily become a "hot spot" again.

The Lebanese Republic has continuously improved its State and public institutions throughout its history. This allowed it to modernize its economy and legislation, become a major financial and cultural center in the Middle East, dramatically raise the standard of living of the population, flexibly respond to the most complex challenges of the time, and defend its independence and security. However, in the rapidly developing modern world, barriers between faiths hinder the unification of Lebanese people and the competitive environment, primarily between people. This objective factor will continue to affect all aspects of Lebanese life for a long time to come. I would like to believe that it will never again become the trigger for new armed conflicts between the Lebanese.

list of literature

Al-Watan. Эр-Рияд, 21.09.2010 / zman.com/ncws/2010/10/19/86215-print.html

Al-Jazeera, 17.10.2010.

Special Purpose Beirut // Rossiyskaya gazeta. 14.10.2010.

Zelenin Dm. Hopes and anxieties of "Middle Eastern Switzerland" / / Bulletin of analytical information of ITAR-TASS"Compass". № 40. 29.09.2011, с. 44-46 (http://info.itar-tass.com/artcfact3).

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ITAR-TASS. Foreign policy. 20.03.2012 / itar-tass.com/artcfact3/

ITAR-TASS. News. 14-15.01.2012 / itar-tass.com/

Mszhsr Mosbah Mohamad. The role of the Lebanese factor in the Middle East peace process (1982-1998). Authorsf. dis. on the map. Candidate of Historical Sciences, Moscow, 1999.

Melnikov E. The Lebanese Republic // International life. 1970, № 5.

Nikolaeva M. V. Modern Lebanon // Etiquette of the peoples of the East. Normative tradition, ritual, customs, Moscow, 2011.
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Fsschsnko V. The "first violin" was replaced in Lebanon // Rossiyskaya Gazeta, No. 5390 (14), 26.01.2011.

Riyadh, 19.10.2010. krugosvct.ru/cnc/strany_mira/LIVAN.html?page=0,1#part-11news.mail.ru/politics/5175940/24 января 2011 г. prcsidcncy/gov.lb/English/Lcbanaiscsystcm/Pagcs/OvcrvicwOfThcLcbanaiscSystcm.aspx

Rizk Ch. Le regime politique libanais. P., 1966.

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