Head of the project: P. Linke, V. V. Naumkin, M. Sanai. Moscow: IV RAS, 2011. 222 p.

The reviewed collection presents the materials of the trilateral international seminar (Russia-Germany-Iran) with the same name, held on May 16, 2011 at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the State Duma of the Russian Federation, leading experts on international relations from the Institute of International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences, MIEMO RAS and MGIMO, teachers of the University of Tehran, the Free Islamic University, and political scientists of the Organization for the Study of Iran and Eurasia (IRAS), as well as the head of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation branch in Russia, Peter Linke, who initiated this conference. expert meetings.

The published articles preserve the views and positions of the authors expressed in their reports and materials prepared for the seminar. The articles are mainly presented in Russian-

ke, with the exception of selected materials from Iranian participants, presented in the English version.

The collection opens with the article "Eurasia and Iran's place in Regional Cooperation"by M. Sanai (IRI). The author, noting the fact that the concept of Eurasia on the world map attracted special attention after the collapse of the Soviet Union, refers to the countries of Eurasia five states of Central Asia, three countries of the Caucasus region, the Baltic States, as well as Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova. At the same time, other regions of Eastern Europe, as well as Afghanistan, Iran, Turkey and China are considered as its neighbors. Answering the question whether Eurasia corresponds to the concept of a region, as a space whose population officially recognizes each other's way of life, has a similar perception of the world, and the events taking place on it find a common response, he writes that no. It is the lack of common views and culture that is the main problem in the proposed Eurasian region. Turning to the problem of cooperation in the Eurasian region (in the field of security, politics, economy, culture), M. Sanai notes that it is not possible for all countries of the region, it is often formed among small groups within it and has limitations in the level of development. Such organizations as the Eurasian Economic Community, the CIS, the SCO, etc. can serve as an example of this. The role of Iran, which has a certain historical and cultural commonality with the countries of the Eurasian region, occupies a favorable geographical position and at the same time plays an important role in the Middle East, is important in strengthening regional cooperation both in ensuring security, as well as in the field of transport and energy transmission.

A. G. Baklanov's article "Iran's problems in the context of international and regional security" analyzes the factors that negatively affect Iran's relations with other countries in the international and regional aspects. Such factors include, first of all, the policy of Tehran when considering the "Iranian dossier", while paying attention to the existence of a significant number of distortions of reality, exaggerations and arbitrary interpretations in this matter. Another important factor is Iran's "detachment" from solving regional problems, including its unwillingness to establish constructive security relations with the Gulf states. At the same time, the article notes that recent events in the Arab countries will contribute to the destabilization of the situation in the region, which, in turn, will create conditions for strengthening the authority and influence of Iran and further unbalancing the regional situation, making it explosive and unpredictable. In this regard, it is necessary to develop measures aimed at creating a regional security system, an important element of which would be Iran. According to A. G. According to Baklanova, a possible way to implement this plan would be to revive the activities of the Working Group on Arms Control and Regional Security in the Middle East.

V. I. Sazhin (Institute of Internal Affairs of the Russian Academy of Sciences) in his article "Regional Security Problems and Iran" focuses on the most closely related areas with Iran. According to the author, at the center of the situation is Iran, which is currently one of the main global security problems not only in the Persian Gulf zone, but also in the entire Middle East. The main goal of the long-term policy of the country's leadership is to unite the Islamic world on the Iranian model, and the fundamental task for achieving this strategic goal is to transform Iran into a regional superpower. V. I. Sazhin names three factors that fuel Tehran's hegemonic ambitions: (1) geopolitical, (2) military-political, (3) national-psychological, and it is the latter that he gives the palm to. Currently, a new regional center of forces is being formed in the Middle East - Iran, a potential center of forces with nuclear technologies for the production of an atomic bomb, and this state of affairs creates serious problems both for Iran and for the security of the Persian Gulf and the entire Middle East region. The author analyzes in sufficient detail the role of Iran, on the one hand, and the Gulf states, Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan, Palestine, and Israel on the other, in terms of resolving their contradictions, as well as "extraterrestrial" forces in ensuring the security of the region, and comes to the conclusion that the current state of regional security is deteriorating, including: including through the fault of Iran.

The article by G. P. Avdeev (DG) "Iran's regional interests in the Eastern Mediterranean" is devoted to the consideration of the Western vector of Iran's foreign policy, namely in relation to Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, Israel and Egypt, which, in the author's opinion, balances the polity of Iran's foreign policy.-

in the Persian Gulf and Central Asian region, as well as in the South Caucasus and Russia. After the 1979 revolution, the main goals of Russia's foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean were formulated based on its opposition to the United States in this region, and included the struggle against the domination of American imperialism, the protection of Muslim holy sites in Jerusalem from the Zionist regime of Israel, and the support of national liberation movements close in spirit to the Shiite ideology. regional policy issues in the Eastern Mediterranean that exist between Iran and the United States, Iran and Israel. Speaking about the specifics of the region under study, which creates additional difficulties for the Iranian leadership, he notes the presence of countries with different cultural and civilizational systems, as well as protracted political conflicts, such as the Palestinian-Israeli confrontation. At the same time, the author emphasizes that not only the common economic interests, but also ethno-cultural and confessional closeness allows the peoples of Iran and the Eastern Mediterranean countries to build their own communicative relations. In more detail, he dwells on relations with Lebanon and Syria, as the most friendly countries in the region to Iran, as well as with Turkey, which is characterized by a different socio-political orientation from Iran.

In her article "Economic Interests of Russia and Iran in the region", N. M. Mammadova (Institute of International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences) asks the question about the correlation of economic interests of the two countries in the region: what is more common in them - coincidences or contradictions? Answering this question, the author notes that, firstly, for Russia, strengthening its economic potential in the region is dictated by the need to restore previously established industrial ties, which also corresponds to the interests of the countries of the region. Secondly, it is connected with the fact that the same type of economies of these states and their agricultural and raw materials orientation contribute to the emergence of new economic leaders, such as Iran. Russia, like Iran, is interested in a regional market for its industrial products, and in this respect Iran is a competitor to Russia. However, the structure of Russian and Iranian needs in the regional market is different. Iran, which is undergoing a stage of secondary industrialization, is one of the most promising markets for Russia. But it is highly likely that in the near future it will be able to compete with Russia in the markets of high-value-added goods. However, from the point of view of opportunities for small and medium-sized businesses, the region is interesting for both countries. Third, the region's natural resources, especially uranium, may be of economic interest to Russia and Iran. As for gas reserves, they are closely linked to the routes of gas pipelines, which is a zone of Russian-Iranian contradictions. At the same time, participation in joint electric power projects is a factor that brings together the regional economic interests of the two countries. Fourth, the creation of a unified regional transport network is in the interests of Russia and Iran, since turning Iran into a regional transport hub will give Russia additional opportunities to access the Persian Gulf and the countries of the region. Finally, there is a convergence of interests in preventing the spread of Afghan drugs.

The subject of the analysis of the article is J. Karami (IRI)" Iran and Russia in Central Asia: Experience and Expectations " is a cooperation between Russia and Iran in the Central Asian region. The author dwells on the events of the last decade in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan and notes that as early as the early 1990s, Russia and Iran began to realize that they had common interests in preserving stability and strengthening security in Central Asia. Both countries were interested in developing economic and cultural ties with the newly emerging countries, and these were relations of partners, not rivals. Moreover, Russia and Iran also managed to establish security cooperation in the process of national reconciliation in Tajikistan and the joint fight against the Taliban in 1997-2001, providing military and diplomatic assistance to the Government of Tajikistan and the Northern Alliance, which was in the national interests of both countries. In general, according to the author of the article, at present the common interests of Iran and Russia remain, but the partnership relations between the two countries on regional security issues have not developed further since the 1990s. Russia paid attention to strengthening cooperation with China and the United States, without even supporting Iran's desire to become a full member of the SCO.

M. Tishyar (IRI) in his article "Energy cooperation between Iran and Russia in Central Eurasia" draws attention to the fact that the history of trade cooperation between the two countries actually dates back almost 100 years, and analyzes it in sufficient detail from these positions in the oil and gas spheres against the background of describing a specific political situation. Author of otme-

It seems that a certain decline in the development of Russian-Iranian economic and political cooperation was associated, first, with the Islamic revolution of 1979, second, with the introduction of troops into Afghanistan, and finally with the collapse of the USSR. And even with the formation of the Russian Federation, Russia and Iran, being major global owners of hydrocarbons, could not become strong partners in the global energy markets. Currently, according to the author, both countries, remaining the largest suppliers of oil and gas in the world, despite the dependence of their economies on the sale of raw materials, are not competitors in this area, since the traditional market for Russia is Europe, and for Iran, the countries of South and Southeast Asia, as well as the Far East.. However, due to the sanctions regime against Iran, the presence of Russian oil and gas companies and the investment of Russian capital in Iran is limited. In conclusion, M. Tishyar notes the importance of creating a new infrastructure for transporting energy resources to markets through Russia and Iran, the need to increase the capacity of the North-South transport corridor, as well as the registration of Iran's proposal to create a Eurasian oil consortium within the SCO.

In Article X. Beheshtipur (Iran)" Iran-Russia Cooperation in the Caucasus " against the background of a retrospective of relations between Iran and Russia after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, an analysis of internal and external factors that hindered or contributed to the development of cooperation between the two countries in general and in the Caucasus region in particular is given. Focusing in sufficient detail on the objective prerequisites for such cooperation, such as the common historical interests of Iran and Russia, especially in the south of Russia, as well as in the field of extraction, production and transportation of energy resources, and some others, the author comes to the conclusion that the Caucasus is an important region for bilateral cooperation. At the same time, he notes that not everything is so rosy in this direction, since there is not always a desire to eliminate the existing problems in relations between the two countries, the approaches of Iran and Russia to their role in the Caucasus do not always coincide, etc.

In her article "Cultural and ideological Aspects of Iran's policy in the region", E. V. Dunayeva (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) analyzed the cultural component of Iran's foreign policy with the states of Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Middle East, which has become an active part of it since the early 1990s and is considered as a means of overcoming the country's international isolation and expanding regional cooperation. The common historical past, cultural community, and commitment to Islam are considered as the basis for spiritual interaction between the peoples of the region. The author dwells in detail on the analysis of the infrastructure created by the mid-1990s for the implementation of cultural policy. These institutions include the State organization Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution (decision-making center), the non-governmental organizations Coordination Council for Islamic Propaganda (propaganda Center), the World Assembly for the Unification of Madhhabs and the World Assembly of Ahli Beit (strengthen ties with Islamic organizations and clergy, spread the ideas of Islam and fight the expansion of ideas and cultures, do not Islamic values), the Islamic Thought Foundation, a Waqf and charity organization with a Qur'an Translation Center, and some others. The author pays special attention to the activities of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Orientation and the Organization of Culture and Islamic Relations subordinate to it, which coordinates work in the cultural and educational sphere abroad.

In general, according to the author, the cultural and ideological policy of Iran in the region, on the one hand, has a positive impact on the development of neighboring peoples, counteracts the influence of Western mass culture, the destruction of traditional Eastern values, on the other - considers the Arab countries and the states of Central Asia as a kind of periphery, emphasizing its own civilizational role, in its cultural policy is based on political intent and makes it an instrument of ideological influence.

The article "The space program of Iran and cooperation with other countries"by L. M. Ravandi-Fadai (IB RAS) and N. A. Filin (RSUH) is devoted to the analysis of Iran's achievements in the space sphere. The authors note that Iran, having announced the creation of its own space program in 1998, has achieved some success in this area. He gained experience in the construction of spacecraft and space infrastructure, and gained access, primarily through cooperation with other countries (North Korea, Russia, Italy, and China), to technologies that make it possible to implement the full cycle of the space program. At the same time, Iran has sufficiently trained scientific and technical personnel, a large number of research and development institutions and centers that develop new types of military and technical equipment.

auxiliary equipment. In general, Iran's military-industrial complex, including its rocket industry, is considered one of the largest and most developed in the Middle East, second only to the defense industry of Israel, Turkey and partly Pakistan. According to the authors of the article, the process of implementing Iran's space program is an interesting phenomenon, as it goes under the increasing sanctions regime of the UN, the United States and their allies.

A. I. Polishchuk (IB RAS) in his article "Russian-Iranian trade and economic cooperation at the present time" notes that Iran is a major trading partner of Russia in the Middle East, an extensive market for Russian machinery, equipment, vehicles, metal products and lumber, and, in addition, important transit routes pass through its territory. routes. In addition, the two countries have common interests in the Caspian region, cooperate in the oil and gas sector, and have prospects for developing interbank cooperation. Analyzing the dynamics of mutual Russian-Iranian trade, the author emphasizes the trend of growth of trade turnover in the period from 2000 to 2010, but not in the investment sphere. Referring to the results of the work of the Intergovernmental Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific and Technical Cooperation of the Russian Federation and Iran and its working groups, he writes that fundamental agreements have been reached on cooperation on long-term projects, the focus on which is related to the development of new technologies. Russian-Iranian cooperation at the regional level, as well as in the military-technical sphere, is considered separately, where special attention is paid to the problems that have arisen in this area in connection with Presidential Decree No. 1154 of September 22, 2010 pursuant to UN Security Council Resolution No. 1929 of June 9, 2010.

The collection concludes with the article "Iran and Revolutionary Movements in the Arab East"by L. M. Kulagina and V. M. Akhmedov (IB RAS). The authors note that Iran's policy in the Middle East is currently facing significant difficulties, and the protests in Arab countries, which began in December 2010 and were strongly continued in 2011, have divided the Iranian society. The Iranian authorities are trying to consolidate it on the basis of support for Arab movements, declaring them a continuation of the 1979 Islamic revolution, thus trying to justify in the eyes of Iranians the loyalty of the course chosen by the authorities and avoid new internal upheavals. At the same time, according to the authors, Iran is unlikely to give up its position in the region. Considering the revolutionary events in Arab countries as part of the" Islamic awakening", the country's ruling elite is trying to use them to strengthen its external and internal positions. Given the fact that Islamic ideology has not become the leitmotif of Arab revolutions, there is no guarantee that if the clergy come to power in Arab countries, they will be friendly to Iran because of confessional suspicions or the realization of Arab national interest.

In general, it should be noted that the collection's articles present and analyze a wide range of issues related to the political activities of Russia and Iran in Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Middle East, and the variety of points of view offered by the authors only increases the value of the publication under consideration.

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