Igor Kometchikov

The Vows of Socialism: A Transformation of Religious Holidays in Rural Nechernozemye in the Mid-1940s - Early 1960s

Igor Kometchikov - Associate Professor, Kaluga State University (Russia), kometchikov.igor@mail.ru

Celebrating religious holidays was in the core of religiosity of rural Central Russia. Before the Revolution, the holidays contained a tension between the strict following of church calendar and the specific local sacral rhythm and collective memory. The paper explores the changes in the Soviet times, in particular in the postwar period until the early 1960s, when the tradition underwent a deep transformation. The paper draws upon the documents of the state Council of the Russian Orthodox Church, Party and local institutions, Komsomol, as well as the ethnographic data. By arbitrarily moving the borders of legality in the religious field, the authorities modified the tradition: the holidays were accepted within fewer registered churches while restricting other practices. This led to the interruption of the local memory of sacred places, and thus the former organic link between liturgical and mundane practices was broken. The Festive date was recast as a secular pastime. The crisis of the tradition of holidays was completely secularized and transformed the entire peasant culture.

Keywords: the rural Central Nechernozemye, religious holidays, religiosity, Russian Orthodox Church, spiritual culture of peasants, Soviet antireligious policy, secularization of leisure.

The tradition of religious holidays is one of the key components of the spiritual culture of the Russian countryside. In Soviet literature, it was seen as fading

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due to the total "crisis of religion" and the natural success of secularization of social life under socialism in the course of "eliminating the social roots of religiosity"1. "Residual" religiosity was explained by the action of "unfavorable circumstances of public and private life" 2.

Modern researchers also analyze the religious holiday culture of the village mainly from the point of view of the state's struggle for the minds and souls of its inhabitants, as a manifestation of the protest of the peasantry against the destruction of the basic foundations of the way of life.3 It emphasizes the long-term preservation of a significant level of religious4. The analysis of state-confessional relations and socio-economic shifts in the life of society allows us to speak of a surge in religious activity.-

1. Ryazan village Korablino (history, economy, life, culture, people of the village)/V. I. Selivanov, head of the author's department. Scientific notes of Ryazan State Pedagogical University. inst. Vol. XVIII. 1957. Ryazan: Kasimovsk. tip. Ryazanpoligraphizdata, 1957. pp. 202, 209; Anokhina L. A., Shmeleva M. N. Kul'tura i byt kolkhoznikov Kalininskoy oblasti [Culture and life of collective farmers in the Kalinin region]. Moscow, Nauka, 1964. pp. 310-311, 316-318; Opyt istoriko-sotsiologicheskogo izucheniya sela Moldino/Edited by V. G. Kartsov, Moscow: Moskovsky rabochy, 1968. pp. 341-342, 348; Selo Viryatino in the past and present: Experience of ethnographic study of the Russian collective farm village, Moscow: Izd. AN SSSR, 1958. pp. 247-248; Ostrovsky V. B. Kolkhoznoe krestyanskoe SSSR. Party policy and its socio-economic results. Saratov: Ed. Saratov, univ., 1967. pp. 279-290; History of the Soviet peasantry. In 5 vols. Vol. 4. Krestyanskoe v gody ustrozhneniya i razvitiya sotsialisticheskogo obshchestva 1945 - kontsa 1950-kh gg. [The peasantry in the years of strengthening and development of the socialist society in 1945-late 1950s]. Ed. by I. M. Volkov, Moscow: Nauka, 1988, pp. 200, 347.

2. Gordienko N. S. Osnovy nauchnogo atheizma [Fundamentals of scientific atheism], Moscow: Prosveshchenie, 1988, pp. 125-137; Ugrinovich D. M. Vvedenie v religiovedenie [Introduction to Religious Studies], 2nd ed., dop. Moscow: Mysl, 1985, pp. 192-203; Gordienko N. S., Kurochkin P. K. Osnovnye osobennosti evolyutsii religii i tserkvi in a socialist society // Questions of scientific atheism. Issue 25. Atheism, religion, Church and History of the USSR / Ed. by P. K. Kurochkin, Moscow: Mysl, 1980, pp. 235-238.

3. Beznin M. A., Dimoni T. M. Social protest of the collective farm peasantry (the second half of the 1940s-1960s)//Domestic history. 1999. N3. pp. 81, 94-95; Beznin M. A., Dimoni T. M. Peasantry and power in Russia in the late 1930s-1950s//Mentality and agrarian development of Russia (XIX-XX centuries). Materials of the international Conference / Ed. by V. P. Danilov, L. V. Milov. Moscow: ROSSPEN, 1996. pp. 160, 163; Geraskin Yu. V. Russian Orthodox Church, believers, power (late 30s-70s of the XX century). Ryazan: Ryazan State University. S. A. Yesenin University, 2007; Geraskin Yu. V. On the issue of support of the Russian Orthodox Church by the population during the " Khrushchev persecutions "(based on the materials of the Ryazan region)//Domestic history. 2007. N4. pp. 95-102.

4. Perelygin A. I. Russian Orthodox Church in the Orel region (1917-1953). Orel, 2008. pp. 201-204; Verbitskaya O. M. Russian peasantry: from Stalin to Khrushchev. Mid-1940s-early 1960s / Ed. by I. E. Zelenin, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1992, pp. 193-195, 199-201.

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in the 1950s, 5 the formation of its new image with the dominance of city dwellers as its bearers, 6 and the "savagery" of church life outside the legal church fence, the formation of an alternative "catacomb" church subculture.7 This approach, which is quite reasonable in view of the state's ambitions to control the spiritual life of society and often assumes that the church and the faithful were on the same side in the conflict with the authorities, can be supplemented by a closer study of the motivation of the population who participated in the reproduction of the religious holiday tradition.8 As with the attitude of people to local shrines, an important component of popular religiosity, it seems that there is a certain "division" between the opinion of the people and the opinion of the clergy.9
Changing the tradition of a religious holiday can also be considered a facet of the cross-cutting problem of the correlation between everyday religiosity and declarative official religion in the centuries-old history of Russian society. As applied to the Soviet era, its key points are the causes and dynamics of changes in this correlation, the role of the government and the church in this process, and the deformation of both everyday religiosity and the church canon under the pressure of an atheist state. 10
5. Marchenkoa., prot. Religious policy of the Soviet state during the reign of N. S. Khrushchev and its influence on church life in the USSR. Krutitsk. Monastery, Society of Lovers of Church History, 2010. pp. 55-56.

6. Geraskin Yu. V. Russian Orthodox Church, believers, power. p. 200.

7. A. Beglov In search of the "sinless catacombs". Church Underground in the USSR, Moscow: Publishing Council of the Russian Orthodox Church, "Arefa", 2008. 202 - 203, 227, 245-247, 252.

8. This question is closely related to the problem of the formation and existence of Orthodox identity in post-war society, their development of survival strategies in an atheistic state. See: Shlikhta N. "Orthodox" and "Soviet": on the identity of believers of Soviet citizens (1970-early 1970) / / Anthropological Forum. 2014. N 23. С. 82 - 107. Stone, A. B. (2008) "'Overcoming Peasant Backwardness': The Khrushchev Antireligious Campaign and the Rural Soviet Union", Russian Review 67 (2): 296-320. Etc.

9. Chistyakov P. G. Veneration of local shrines in Soviet times: pilgrimage to the source in the Kursk Root Desert in the 1940s-1950s. 2006. N1. P. 38, 47. Chistyakov P. G. Reflection of veneration of local shrines in the archives of the Russian Church (based on the materials of the Central Historical Archive of Moscow) / / Archives of the Russian Orthodox Church. Trudy Istoriko-archivnogo instituta [Proceedings of the Historical and Archival Institute], vol. 36 (in Russian). Ed. by A. B. Bezborodov, Moscow: RSUH, 2005, p. 283.

10. Religious practices in modern Russia: Collection of articles/Edited by K. Rousselet, A. Aghajanyan, Moscow: New Publishing House, 2006. See articles by P. G. Chistyakov, N. A. Belyakova, P. V. Ponarin, K. T. Sergazina, A. L. Glushaev in N7 (23) of the electronic scientific and educational journal "Istoriya" for 2013, dedicated to

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Considering how religion is "embedded in the fabric of public relations on an everyday, practical level" is rightly called the most important task of research on religions and religiosity in Russia11.

This article is devoted to the change in the tradition of a religious holiday that existed between the "living" and "official" religions, the purpose of which is to find out the mechanism of changing this tradition in the space of relations between the authorities and the village of the Central Non - Black Earth region in the mid-1940s - early 1960s. 12

Religious holiday culture and religious restriction policy

Traditionally, the Russian countryside celebrated church-wide (Christmas, Epiphany, Easter, etc.) and rural holidays: "votive" ("cherished"), established to stop a natural disaster or in memory of it, and "patronal" - in honor of a saint or a particularly revered icon, to which the throne of the church that united the community was dedicated.. At the same time, the church calendar was observed not mechanically, but adapted to local interests.14 This feature of the festive culture of the village did not disappear in the post-war years, but was transformed in a peculiar way under the influence of the anti-religious policy of the state.

Materials N3-4 (30) of the journal "State, Religion, Church in Russia and Abroad" for 2012; also: Sfafe Secularism and Lived Religion in Soviet Russia and Ukraine (2012) Ed. by Catherine Wanner. N.Y.: Oxford University Press; Rock, S. (2007) Popular Religion in Russia: Double Belief and the Making of an Academic Myth. London and N.Y.: Routledge.

11. Aghajanyan A., Rousselet K. How and why to study modern religious practices//Religious practices in modern Russia. p. 8.

12. The composition of the regions of the Central Non-Chernozem region of the RSFSR is given in accordance with the resolution of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Council of Ministers of the USSR of September 19, 1963 "On clarifying the composition of the economic regions of the USSR" (Bryansk, Vladimir, Ivanovo, Kalinin, Kaluga, Kostroma, Moscow, Oryol, Ryazan, Smolensk, Tula, Yaroslavl regions). Ed. by V. N. Malin et al. Issue 5. Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1964, pp. 161, 162.

13. Tultseva, L. A. Patronal feast in the picture of the world (mirokolitsa) of the Orthodox peasant / / Orthodox life of Russian peasants of the XIX-XX centuries / Ed. by T. A. Listova, Moscow: Nauka, 2001. pp. 125, 133; Shevtsova, V. F. Orthodoxy in Russia on the eve of 1917 St. Petersburg: Dm. Bulanin, 2010. p. 222, 233.

14. Shevtsova V. F. Orthodoxy in Russia on the eve of 1917, p. 221.

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Despite the proclaimed "turn" to the church and the needs of believers in the early 1940s, the state did not abandon the restriction of the ROC's activities and curtailment of religiosity. By arbitrarily shifting the boundaries of legality in the sphere of religious confession15, it put pressure on the church hierarchy, waged a struggle against outlawed forms of church life and religiosity, thus reformatting the religious tradition, including the religious holiday. Thus, if before 1949 it was allowed to hold festive rites outside the church, then the mass participation of believers in the rite of Epiphany in Saratov in the winter of 1949 was the reason for its prohibition outside the church fence. 16 The state seemed to recall the ban on worship services outside the church in the late 1920s. 17 Festive rites were again prescribed to be limited to the liturgy in the church and his fence, as well as a family celebration, if it did not violate the schedule of community service.

The ability to participate in the festive service was significantly limited by the restriction on the opening of churches. The establishment of a thorny bureaucratic procedure for their registration intensified the religious feeling of believers during the war years was squeezed into the Procrustean bed of the petition movement. At the same time, a small number of petitions were granted. Only one representative of the Russian Orthodox Church Affairs Council in the Ryazan Region received 10,754 visitors in 1944-1947, most of whom requested the opening of churches. In 1948, 790 written requests were received from believers in the region, in 1949 - 389 applications and 444 walkers, in 1950-148 applications and 288 walkers. According to the number of petitions for the opening of churches, the region from 1944 to the beginning of the 1950s firmly occupied the first place in the RSFSR. Of the 3,817 applications submitted by its faithful from 1944 to 1950 for the opening of 390 churches, only 67 were allowed to serve. In the Kaluga Region, 207 applications received in 1944-1953 were opened.-

15. A. Beglov In search of "sinless catacombs". pp. 31-39; Sovetskaya zhizn. 1945-1953 / Comp. by E. Yu. Zubkova, L. P. Kosheleva, G. A. Kuznetsova, A. I. Minyuk, L. A. Rogovaya. Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2003. pp. 666-668.

16.Chumachenko T. A. Gosudarstvo, pravoslavnaya tserkva i verushchie [State, Orthodox Church and believers]. 1941-1961 Moscow: AIRO-XX, 1999, pp. 118, 136.

17. Chistyakov P. G. Veneration of local shrines. p. 38.

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then 36 temples 18. By 1948, the opening of temples stopped. The number of registered churches turned out to be many times less than the number of applications submitted, becoming a "legal" restriction on religious holiday culture and related manifestations of religiosity. If in 1914 the number of parish churches in the Central Non-Chernozem regions alone was 10243, then in 1948 1006 churches were legally operating, in 1953 - 957, in 1960-815, and all rural churches were closed.

It is quite understandable that they could not accommodate everyone who wanted to attend services on the days of church-wide holidays. A comparison of the number of participants in the most crowded Easter services with the rural population shows that the majority of rural residents could not objectively get into the church on these days. Thus, about 58 thousand people participated in the Easter service in 1948 in 26 churches of the Orel region (the total rural population at the beginning of 1949 was 1060.4 thousand people); similar data for the Ryazan region - 85 churches, 140 thousand people (1454.1 thousand people).20. However, the authorities perceived the thousands of people queuing outside churches as evidence of the population's high level of religiosity. 21 According to the estimates of the authorized representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church Council, the number of people who attended Easter services in the churches of Kaluga, Tula, Ryazan, Smolensk, Yaroslavl, Bryansk and other regional centers in the late 1940s and early 1960s ranged from 5 to 20 thousand people.22 In the temples of district centers there were from 500 people

18. Counted: GARF. F. 6991. Op. 1. D. 346. L. 15; D. 781. L. 11, 25, 26, 35, 49; RGASPI. f. 17. Op. 132. d. 7. L. 28; GADNIKO. F. 55. Op. 8. D. 594. L. 26, 30, 31; GAKO. F. R-3501. Op. 1. D. 34. L. 4-4ob.

19. Counted by: Shevtsova V. F. Orthodoxy in Russia on the eve of 1917, p. 172; Smolensk diocese / / Website of the Smolensk Diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church MP [http://drevo-info.ru/articles/9619.html, accessed 11.11.2014); Oryol and Sevsk Diocese//Website of the Bryansk Diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church MP [http://www.bryansk-eparhia.ru/eparhialnoe-upravlenie/istoriya-eparhii/sevskaya-eparhiya/orl ovskaya-i-sevskaya-eparhiya, accessed 11.11.2014]; GARF. f. 6991. Op. 2. d. 180. L. 22a-25; d. 313. L. 74, 77, 90, 93, 97, 110, 129, 151, 168, 177, 190, 211.

20. Counted: GARF. F. A. 374. Op. 11. D. 657. L. 31, 88; F. 6991. Op. 1. D. 342. L. 29; D. 504. L. 57; Op. 2. D. 180. L. 22a-25.

21. GARF. F. 6991. Op. 1. D. 650. L. 15; D. 1027. L. 59; D. 1256. L. 28; TSNITO. F. 177. Op. 14. D. 36. L. 20; GANISO. F. 6. Op. 3. D. 387. L. 221, 222.

22. GARF. F. 6991. Op. 1. Ed. hr. 317. l. 38; D. 342. L. 29; D. 349. L. 31; D. 504. L. 5; D. 784. L. 34; D. 911. L. 14; D. 1023. L. 19; D. 1143. L. 3; d. 1270. L. 34; D. 1781. L. 17; D. 1877. L. 19; GAKO. f. R-3501. Op. 1. D. 29. L. 26; GADNIKO. F. 55. Op. 8. D. 466. L. 29;

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up to 6 thousand believers, in rural churches - up to 3 thousand. The Commissioner for the Ryazan region, informing the Council about the celebration of Easter in 1953 in Ryazan, noted::

Crowds of believers and non-believers randomly climbed into the crowded church building, as a result of which three women were taken out of the cathedral in a faint state, and one boy was carried out in his arms, as it was impossible to pass. Not fitting into the church building, the faithful in the number of at least 2 thousand people stood at the door of the cathedral. A group of women, having lost hope of entering the church building, organized an open-air singing of "Christ is Risen"in the crowd.23
Less crowded, but equally well-attended, were the services on other church-wide holidays, and the tradition of visiting churches and cemeteries on Radonitsa, the day of commemoration of the departed, was particularly persistent.24
If a church-wide holiday, the focus of which was a registered church, was allowed, then the tradition of rural holidays turned out to be much more vulnerable. It was the church that originally expressed the involvement of religious practices of one or several villages in the life of the entire church25 and the desire for their population to preserve their understanding of the religious holiday rhythm and collective memory of the sacred events of their "small" history26. Often located in the border, "gray" zones of canonicity, the religious practices that formed this "small" tradition in the first of all, they lost their legitimacy due to government pressure.

The centers of rural festivals could be both the parish church and local sacred sites. However, there is an uneven distribution of active churches across the territory of regions and districts (for example, in 1948 there were 88 active churches in the Bryansk Region, 149 in the Yaroslavl Region, and 211 in the Moscow Region,

D. 594. L. 76; TSNITO. F. 177. Op. 14. D. 36. L. 21; Op. 16. D. 76. L. 14; Sovetskaya zhizn. pp. 662-663.

23. GARF. F. 6991. Op. 1. D. 1043. L. 3.

24. Ibid. d. 1154. l. 24; d. 1781. l. 17-18.

25. Shevtsova V. F. Orthodoxy in Russia on the eve of 1917, pp. 233, 236, 247.

26. Panchenko A. A. Issledovaniya v oblasti narodnogo pravoslaviya [Research in the field of folk Orthodoxy]. Village shrines of the North-West of Russia, St. Petersburg, Aletheia Publ., 1998, pp. 240-242.

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and in Kaluga-37, Tula-38, Smolensk-60,27) and the reduction of their number geographically removed believers from the place of performing rites and punched holes in the collective memory. During the 1950s, in the regions of the Central Non-Chernozem region, one officially functioning church accounted for an average of many dozens, and sometimes several hundred villages and villages. The sparsity of the church network grew (table).

Table

Average number of rural localities per ROC church (including urban churches)28

Regions

1951

1960,

Bryansk Region

46,2

62,2

Vladimirskaya Street

41,8

49,0

Velikolukskaya Street

403,5

-

Ivanovskaya Street

97,6

98,1

Kalininskaya Street

135,8

149,2

Kaluga Region

112,6

115,5

Kostroma region

88,3

101,9

Moscow

35,9

29,1

Orlovskaya Street

204,8

215,1

Ryazan Region

52,4

56,9

Smolenskaya Street

136,2

160,0

Tula Region

111,3

140,6

Yaroslavl Region

59,6

61,4

In addition, by the mid-1940s, the vast majority of the 4,600 chapels that existed in the Central Non-Chernozem regions in 1914, each of which was once the starting point of a rural religious holiday, had been destroyed and outlawed. The Russian Orthodox Church Affairs Council in 1949, 1954-1955, and the early 1960s tried to determine the number of chapels and other illegal local shrines, but it was difficult to do so without the support of the local authorities.-

27. GARF. F. 6991. Op. 2. D. 180. L. 22a-25.

28. Calculated: GARF. f. A. 501. Op. 1. d. 3052. l. 117 vol., 126 vol., 153 vol., 177 vol., 185 vol., 222 vol., 277 vol.; f. 6991. Op. 2. d. 263. l. 5, 6, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13.

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but 29. In 1914, there were 1,031 chapels in the Tver Governorate, 30 and an inspection of 45 of the 47 districts of the region in 1955 revealed that "in 14 districts of the region in 34 localities, groups of believers of 10 to 15 people gather three or four times a year on a holiday they honor for prayer without clergy in inactive chapels 31. In the Kaluga Province in 1914, there were 147 chapels, 32 and in 1949, when the commissioner of the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church questioned the district authorities about the presence of unregistered religious groups and clergy, the majority reported their absence. In contrast, in December 1954, illegal worship services were reported in four districts, and on January 1, 1962, 3 "unregistered houses of worship"were discovered. 33 From time to time, services in rare surviving chapels or where they once existed were also recorded in other areas.34 The collapse of the former parish network and traditional settlement system, therefore, inevitably affected the tradition of a rural holiday.

Transformation of a rural religious holiday tradition

A rare example of the long-standing tradition of a rural religious holiday, which retained many "original" elements, can be considered the celebration of thrones in the Klintsovsky, Novozybkovsky, Krasnogorsk and Voronoksky districts of the Bryansk region, based on the cult of "candle icons"that were purchased in the warehouse. According to the observations of the authorized Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church in the Bryansk Region, before the revolution, the celebration "was accompanied by a large gathering of people, religious processions in villages, the road where the procession was supposed to take place was covered with special carpets, etc. Now, of course, this is not the case, but the custom of celebrating the icon is candles.

29. Shevtsova V. F. Orthodoxy in Russia on the eve of 1917, p. 172; GAKO. F. R-3501. Op. 1. D. 81. L. 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 35, 47; GARF. F. 6991. Op. 1. D. 1244. L. 42-43.

30. Shevtsova V. F. Orthodoxy in Russia on the eve of 1917, p. 172.

31. GARF. F. 6991. Op. 1. D. 1351. L. 14.

32. Shevtsova V. F. Orthodoxy in Russia on the eve of 1917, p. 172.

33. GAKO. F. 3501. Op. 1. d. 29. L. 21, 22; D. 88. L. 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 35, 47; GARF. F. 6991. Op. 2. D. 288. L. 42.

34. TSDNI GAYAO. F. 272. Op. 227. D. 639. L. 72; GARF. F. 6991. Op. 1. D. 1663. L. 10, 41; D. 1672. L. 40, 41, 42, 45; D. 1689. L. 17, 21.

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strong..."35. During the year, the" icon-candle " was kept in the house of one of the believers. On the eve of the feast to which it was dedicated, the priest, with the participation of a choir of choristers and fellow villagers, held a divine service in front of it, which ended with a meal arranged by the "whole world". After that, the "candle" was solemnly transferred to another house, the owner of which wished to keep it until the next holiday, a prayer service was served again and a plentiful "public treat"was arranged. According to the authorized Council, "the service lasts 20-25 minutes, and lunch lasts 3 hours" 36. In some cases, "candles"were kept all year in the nearest church and delivered to the village only on the eve of the altar. Up to a thousand people gathered for their celebration. Despite the diocesan ban on registered priests of these deaneries to perform such services, for many years they all did so for a fee and the right to participate in the feast. The intensity of the performance of the rite was so high that some of the" candles "were served by" self - saints " (self-appointed clergymen, often lay people without priestly rank). The dean of the Klintsovsky district, trying to serve the maximum possible number of prayers, on October 1, 1951, drove around three villages in a car in six hours. The next day, another priest served at the same icons, traveling in the same car.37 In some villages, several "candles" were passed from house to house at once: in the village of Badgers of the Krasnogorsk district, four holidays were celebrated, in the church of the village of Yalovka - seven, in the village of Tulokovshchina of the Klintsovsky district - two holidays.

Part of the clergy distanced themselves from participating in the holidays, pointing out the" unseemliness " of their secular part. The dean of the Novozybkovsky district reported in his "report" to the commissioner of the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church:

In all parishes, except for my parish in Novozybkov, there were candles, mainly on patronal holidays, which were sent by their own clergy. I look at these candles negatively and try not to support them, because this is a long-standing custom,

35. GARF. F. 6991. Op. 1. D. 887. L. 52.

36. Ibid. d. 759. l. 117.

37. Ibid. d. 759. l. 107, 127; D. 887. l. 52, 70; D. 1023. L. 86, 88, 104.

38. Ibid. d. 759. L. 88, 93.

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unsatisfactory from the ecclesiastical point of view, always accompanied by heavy drinking 39.

In 1960, after a" special conversation " between the authorized Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church in the Bryansk region, S. Meleshi, and the head of the Oryol-Bryansk diocese, Bishop Jerome, the bishop's order was sent to the clergy to stop the clergy's participation in the services at ikon-candles under the threat of being transferred out of state, since they "are not provided for by the charter and custom of the Russian Orthodox Church." Orthodox Church"40.

With the elimination of the liturgical part of the patronal feast, which consisted of a church service, a procession through the village, a prayer service and a festive bell ringing, the collective memory of the village sanctuary was erased. The gradual oblivion of the patronal feast after the closure of the church is also confirmed by the memoirs of contemporaries.41 The village still had its mundane component: a festive feast, festivities and the custom of "visiting" (honoring relatives at a party and returning visits)42. The organic connection between the liturgical and secular parts of the holiday was lost, as a result of which, for most of its participants, it primarily meant an occasion for recreation and entertainment, which was not least due to the absence of rural holidays as a free time in the Soviet calendar until the end of the 1950s. 43 This circumstance is due to the fact that many representatives of the Council emphasized this in their reports on business trips to rural areas.44
39. GABO. F. R-2289. Op. 1. D. 8. L. 80.

40. GARF. F. 6991. Op. 1. D. 1856. L. 3.

41. Sevastyanova A. A. Zhizn v tsentre raya [Life in the center of paradise]. Soviet regional center of the 50s-60s of the XX century. Moscow, Drevlekhranilishche, 2008. pp. 108-110.

42. Tultseva L. A. Patronal feast in the picture of the world (mirokolitsa) of the Orthodox peasant. pp. 134> 143> 146-156.

43. Since the late 1950s, a cycle of local Soviet holidays (on the scale of a particular village, collective farm, state farm or district) has been spreading in the Central Non-Chernozem region, which were conceived by the authorities as an alternative to religious holiday culture and rituals. Read more about it: Kometchikov I. V. Soviet holidays and rituals in the village of the Central Nechernozem region in the 1945-early 1960's: distribution and reception by the population//Historical, philosophical, political and legal sciences, cultural studies and art criticism. Questions of theory and practice. Tambov, 2014. N2 (40). Part 2. pp. 98-108. The celebration of the national holiday - the All-Union Day of Agricultural Workers was first established by the decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on August 26, 1966, on the second Sunday of October.

44. GARF. F. 6991. Op. 1. d. 181. l. 50 and ob.; d. 197. L. 16; D. 204. L. 77; D. 635. L. 36-37; D. 765. L. 101; D. 889. L. 61; D. 1346. L. 18.

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The population answered questions about the reasons for participating in religious holidays if they did not know their meaning, did not have a functioning church, and were generally indifferent to religion::

"We must have a rest sometime, we work seven days a week, and we will try to make up for lost time" 45 (Kalinin region); < ... > All work and work, and there is no common day off, as in cities, but we want to relax together, have fun, go to visit our relatives and invite them to visit us. 46; A holiday of railway workers, miners, tankmen, etc., has been established, but there is no collective farm holiday, [which should be corrected and] set "collective farmer's day", "harvest festival", "holiday at the end of sowing","holiday at the end of the economic year" 47 (Tula Region).

An anti-religious lecturer on an agit train that plied the Yaroslavl Region in August 1954 was informed:

In the cities, you have a rest every week, celebrate, and we work all summer and Sundays, so if there is a holiday, we rest, walk, and see our relatives; After celebrating May 1 and October in the city with our sons and daughters, we invite them to visit our religious holidays and they come There is no cultural entertainment in the village and the only entertainment where there are a lot of young people is church services. Both boys and girls gather there, where you can get acquainted and take a walk 48.

Offensive on religious holidays during the Khrushchev anti-religious campaign

The Khrushchev offensive on religion and the church, which began in 1958, was distinguished from the aggravations of state-church relations in 1948-1949 and 1954 by its focus on the "final" solution of the "religious question" and its broad front of attack, which included not only a reduction in the number of religious prisoners, but also a reduction in the number of prisoners.

45. GARF. F. 6991. Op. 1. D. 635. L. 36-37.

46. Ibid. d. 1784. l. 12.

47. Ibid. d. 1049. l. 36.

48. TSDNI GAYAO. f. 272. Op. 226. D. 946. l. 71 ob.

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the number of churches, monasteries, theological seminaries, etc., but also the undermining of the church's economy, as well as attempts to weaken it organizationally through the "church reform" of 1959-1964. 49

However, in the matter of limiting the possibility of performing religious rites and replacing them with Soviet rural holidays and rites, the higher party-state and Komsomol leadership preferred to act not only by direct pressure, but tried to apply a more flexible approach. Last but not least, it seems, this was due to the understanding of the need to overcome the "wrong" attitude of many local authorities to religious holidays and the impossibility of creating an immediate alternative to them.

The district, rural, and collective farm activists, most of whom had been socialized within the framework of traditional peasant culture and had not completely left it, were ambivalent about the celebration of secularized religious holidays by the population. On the one hand, a significant part of the activists not only did not fight against absenteeism of public works these days, believing that attempts to punish absentees would not be supported and would only "turn the population against the authorities", but also participated in festivities and drinking, 50 and in some places-in fistfights.51 On the other hand, since the greatest threat posed by religious holidays in the eyes of the local authorities was not "ideological damage", but failure to fulfill state tasks, the collective farm chairmen still tried to limit the scope of the celebration by allowing collective farmers to "walk" only after lunch or take turns in different villages.52
Even before coordinated and materially supported efforts to replace religious holidays and rituals with Soviet ones, attempts were made to create a certain degree of freedom for them.

49. Marchenko A., prot. Religious policy of the Soviet state. pp. 48-68; Chumachenko T. A. Gosudarstvo, pravoslavnaya tserkva i veruyushchie. p. 180, 198-222; Geraskin Yu. V. Russkaya pravoslavnaya tserkva, veruyushchie, vlast. p. 119, 122, 197-198.

50. GARF. F. 6991. Op. 1. D. 204. L. 43; D. 508. L. 28; GARF. F. 534. Op. 1. D. 241. L. 87; TSNITO. F. 177. Op. 19. D. 1. L. 212.

51. RGASPI. f. M-1. Op. 32. D. 675. L. 123; D. 742. L. 99; GAOO. f. P. 52. Op. 323. D. 224. L. 213.

52. TSDNI GAYAO. F. 272. Op. 226. D. 946. L. 70 ob.

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a leisure alternative in the form of organizing film screenings, lectures, amateur performances, etc. However, the almost universal weakness of the material base of "cultural enlightenment institutions" and the focus of anti-religious propaganda on close-knit communities of believers did not bring the desired success. In the village of Panino, Dedilovsky district, Tula region, it was twice not possible to gather collective farmers for a lecture "Religion and its reactionary essence", and in the district center Dedilovo on the pre-Easter days, people did not go to the cinema, although after Easter On Sundays, the cinema halls were full of 53 people. In the village of Gavrilovsky, Spassky district of the Ryazan region, 37 collective farmers came out of 638 yards to work on the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross. According to the chairman of the collective farm, the collective farmers who had a radio in their huts considered it a sin to listen to music on the eve of church holidays, and the youth of the village did not attend the club and cinema. 54
The" offensive " against religion in the late 1950s was accompanied by persistent attempts to strengthen the financial situation and improve the management of cultural institutions, physical education and sports, involve public organizations in their work, develop and distribute Soviet civil rites and mass holidays, and restructure the work of civil registry offices.

In 1958-1960, the "two-year campaign of the Komsomol and youth for culture" was announced in the country, during which a certain strengthening of the material base and the revival of cultural institutions became the basis for activating the formation of a cycle of mass Soviet holidays and civil rites. A demonstration of overcoming the tradition of celebrating rural religious holidays was organized in 1961 in the advanced collective farm "Council" of the Sharyinsky district of the Kostroma region, whose population "decided" to celebrate two collective farm holidays instead of 39 patronal holidays. The experience was considered so successful that it was extended to the entire region and included in the history of the regional party organization55. Similar initiatives

53. GARF. F. 6991. Op. 1. D. 1157. L. 29.

54. Ibid. d. 1151. l. 34.

55. Essays on the history of the Kostroma organization of the CPSU / Ed. by M. I. Sinyazhnikov, deputy ed.by B. L. Milovidov. Yaroslavl: Verkhne-Volzhsk, kn. izd., 1967. p. 379; Kometchikov I. V. Soviet holidays and rituals in the village of the Central Nechernozem region of 1945-early 1960: distribution and reception by the population. pp. 102-105.

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They were part of the general task of resolute and total curtailment of religiosity, formulated in the late 1950s and early 1960s by a series of decisions of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPSU for the RSFSR, the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR and the USSR 56.

However, attempts to design and introduce new holiday customs and rituals into the village culture often "failed" to functionally fill the place of the deformed tradition of a religious holiday, exacerbating bursts of social deviations in the village life of the 1950s. Almost simultaneously with the "campaign of the Komsomol and youth for culture", a campaign was launched to involve broad sections of the village in the fight against drunkenness, moonshine brewing and hooliganism. In closed letters of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Central Committee of the Komsomol, drunkenness was regarded as a "shameful and harmful relic of the landlord-bourgeois system", the cause of which in the past was called "oppression of landlords and capitalists", and in Soviet reality - "poor upbringing" and "imitation of infectious bad examples, old customs and habits", including - celebration of religious holidays 57.

Youth hooliganism on the basis of drunkenness was consistently associated with" rampant recreation " during religious holidays.58 In 200 localities of the Breytovsky district of the Yaroslavl region in the mid-1950s, about 50 religious holidays were celebrated, each of which lasted at least 3 days. Local authorities considered them the reasons for the increase in hooliganism, drunkenness, fights and murders. In 1954 alone, three people were killed and many were stabbed in the area during these days due to hooliganism and drunkenness.59 On the feast of the Smolensk Icon of the Mother of God at the kolkhoz named after V. I. Tolstoy. Timiryazev Lyubimsky district Yaroslavl region drunk driver drove

56.Zhidkova E. Sovetskaya grazhdanskaya obryadnost ' kak alternative obryadnosti religioznoy [Soviet civil ritual as an alternative to religious ritual]. 2012. N3-4 (30). P. 413; Lebina N. B. Black and white red wedding//Fashion theory. 2014. N32//Fashion theory. 2014. N32; Chumachenko T. A. State, Orthodox Church and believers. pp. 197-222; Marchenko A., prot. Religious policy of the Soviet state, pp. 57-65.

57. RGASPI. F. M. 1. Op. 32. d. 949. L. 2 06. - 5 vol., 7-10 vol.

58. Dimoni T. M. Spiritual traditions of the peasantry of the European North of Russia in 1945-1960 (problems of relations with the authorities)//Severnaya derevnya v XX veke: aktual'nye problemy istorii [Northern Village in the XX century: Actual problems of history]. Vologda, 2000. pp. 90-91.

59. TSDNI GAYAO. F. 272. Op. 226. D. 946. L. 50.

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on the truck of drunk guys and girls, as a result of which two of them were killed. In the village of Matrenino, Danilovsky district, drunk tractor drivers broke windows in the house of the collective farm chairman and destroyed the log cabins of all 60 wells with a tractor. Thousands of people were prosecuted for hooliganism and moonshine brewing in 1958-1963 in the Orel, Smolensk, and Kaluga Oblasts. 61 In the town of Belev, Tula Oblast, and surrounding villages in the late 1950s and early 1960s, the custom of "meeting the sunrise" on the night of St. Peter's Day was recorded. Young people not only " roamed the streets all night long and sang songs at the top of their voices, and sometimes just shouted good obscenities, screamed, laughed, whistled," as a resident of Belev, who was annoyed by this, wrote to the Izvestia newspaper, but also smashed gardens and vegetable gardens.62
Brief conclusions

In the mid-1940s and early 1960s, the celebration of religious holidays in the villages of the Central Non - Chernozem region continued to be a widespread but deformed tradition, which reflected the completion of the transition from the traditional culture of the peasantry based on the religious worldview to a secularized culture. It seems that the most effective tools for curtailing the tradition of religious holidays in the period under study were not so much administrative arbitrariness and anti-religious propaganda, but rather the authorities ' shifting the boundaries of legality in relation to the church and mass religiosity, the steady reduction in the number of rural churches, and the Soviet ritual-making that is relevant against the background of the industrialization of agriculture

The state had a differentiated influence on curtailing the tradition of a religious holiday. If church-wide holidays were included in the "permitted" religion, limited to the church, then with rural ones, accessible and therefore especially near-

60. TSDNI GAYAO. F. 272. Op. 226. D. 946. l. 70 and ob.

61. GAOO. F. P-52. Op. 323. D. 1401. L. 1, 2; D. 2201. L. 80, 81; GANISO. F. 6. Op. 3. D. 1078. L. 21, 98-102; D. 1256. L. 179, 180, 181, 182, 185; D. 1257. L. 12, 104; GADNIKO. F. 6878. Op. 1. D. 50. L. 4, 5, 13, 16, 41, 45.

62. TSNITO. F. 188. Op. 1. D. 1014. L. 114-115.

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in addition to the population, the state was fighting. By banning worship services outside the church, closing many of them and thus interrupting their foundation - the collective memory of the sacred place - the authorities again assigned the church and clergy a role already known from the synodal period in overcoming a number of phenomena of popular religiosity. Under these circumstances, the diocesan authorities demanded that the clergy avoid border areas of canonicity, including participation in rural religious holidays outside the church, under the pretext of non-compliance of this tradition with the liturgical canon.

The results of this course were especially noticeable where there were no registered churches. Without a liturgical basis and an understanding of their spiritual meaning, patronal and" votive "("cherished") holidays began to be perceived in rural areas as "idle" time of collective leisure, and often as an opportunity for deviant "revelry". The state took advantage of this and, declaring the "testaments" and "thrones" harmful to itself and the countryside, began from the late 1950s to replace them with a cycle of Soviet rural holidays and civil rites. Islands where the deformed tradition of a rural religious holiday continued to live remained the collective memory of older peasants, the few oratories and local shrines that were pushed out of the bounds of legality by the authorities.

Bibliography/References

Archived sources

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F. R-2280. (Commissioner of the Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the USSR in the Bryansk region).

State Archive of Documents of the Recent History of the Kaluga Region (GADNI-KO).

F. 55 (Kaluga Regional Committee of the CPSU).

F. 6878 (Kaluga rural regional Committee of the CPSU).

State Archive of the Kaluga Region (GAKO).

F. R-3501 (Commissioner of the Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the USSR in the Kaluga region).

State Archive of Modern History of the Smolensk Region (GANISO).

F. 6 (Smolensk Regional Committee of the CPSU).

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F. P-52 (Orel regional Committee of the CPSU).

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State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF).

F. A-374 (Central Statistical Office under the RSFSR Council of Ministers).

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F. R-3501 (Upolnomochennyi Soveta po delam religii pri SM SSSR v Kaluzhskoi oblasti [Representative of the Council of Religious Affairs at the Council of Ministers of the USSR in Kaluga region]).

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F. 6 (Smolenskii obkom KPSS [Smolensk Regional Committee of the CPSU]).

Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Orlovskoi oblasti [Oryol region state archive] (GAOO).

F. P-52 (Orlovskii obkom KPSS [Oryol Regional Committee of the CPSU]).

Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii [State Archives of the Russian Federation] (GARF).

F. A-374 (Tsentral'noe statisticheskoe upravlenie pri SM RSFSR [Central Statistical Agency at the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR]).

F. A-501 (Ministerstvo kul'tury RSFSR [Ministry of Culture of the RSFSR]).

F. A-534 (Komitet po delam kul'turno-prosvetiternykh uchrezhdenii pri SM RSFSR [The Committee of the Affairs of Cultural and Educational Institutions at the Council of Ministers of the USSR]).

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F. 6991 (Sovet po delam religii pri SM SSSR [Council of Religious Affairs at the Council of Ministers of the USSR]).

Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv sotsial'no-politicheskoi istorii [Russian State Archive of Social and Political History] (RGASPI).

F. 17 (Otdel propagandy i agitatsii TsK VKP (b) [Department of Propaganda of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b)]).

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F. 188 (Tul'skii obkom VLKSM [Tula Regional Committee of the Komsomol Central Committee]).

F. 177 (Tul'skii obkom KPSS [Tula Regional Committee of the CPSU]).

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