The article is devoted to the Chinese World Project (ILC), the supporting structure of which is the concept of the "Silk Road Economic Belt and the Maritime Silk Road of the XXI century". The historical background of the ILC is considered: from adaptation to the world economy to the transition to active development of the world economy in accordance with the Chinese program "going out to the world". China's constructive initiatives, embodied in the concept of the "silk road" offensive, are aimed at mobilizing finance for infrastructure development throughout the Euro-Asian space and are catalyzed by the tasks of ensuring energy security and the need for the development of China's western regions. Special attention is paid to the intensification of China's activities in the field of financing Belt and Road projects, investments in new international banks and development funds. The author analyzes the geopolitical justifications of the ILC, which objectively increases the importance of Russia and recognizes the geographical inferiority of projects that bypass the territory of the Russian Federation. Given the continuing instability in the Middle East and Transcaucasia, transport arteries in Russia are becoming of paramount importance. In this context, Russia needs to determine its own place in the Chinese project.

Keywords: Chinese world project, silk Road expansion, energy security, capital export, Russian Federation in the Chinese project.

THE EXPANSION OF CHINA'S STRATEGIC HORIZONS: "ONE BELT AND ONE ROAD"

The article is devoted to what the authors call the Chinese World Project (CWP) partially based on the concept of Silk Road Economic Belt and Twenty First Century Maritime Silk Road. China makes a transition from adaptation to the global economy. China develops in accordance with the Chinese program "go global". Constructive initiatives of China under the "one belt one road" concept are aimed at mobilizing finance for infrastructure developments of the entire Euro-Asian space. These initiatives are catalyzed by issues of energy security and the needs of the Western regions of China. The paper also focuses on China's efforts in financing "one belt one road" projects by new investment vehicles including new banks and development funds. Geopolitical rationale of the CWP is analyzed, which objectively increases the importance of Russia. Given the continuing instability in the Middle East and the Caucasus, transport arteries on the territory of Russia are of paramount importance. In this context, Russia must address the issue of identifying its own place and role in the Chinese project.

Keywords: Chinese world project, "Silk" expansion, energy security, export of capital, Russia in the Chinese project.

Alexander I. SALITSKY, Doctor of Economics, Chief Researcher, Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences, e-mail: sal.55@mail.ru.

Aleksandr SALITSKIY, Doctor of Economic Sciences, Chief Research Fellow, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, RAS, Moscow.

SEMYONOVA Nelly Kimovna, Researcher at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, e-mail: semenovanelli-2011@mail.ru.

Nelli SEMENOVA, Researcher, Institute of Oriental Studies, RAS, Moscow.

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During 2013-2015, the new (fifth) generation of the Chinese leadership presented a kind of China World Project (ILC) - a precisely formulated, coordinated and energetically implemented program. One of the supporting structures of the plan is the concept of the "Silk Road Economic Belt and the Maritime Silk Road of the XXI Century" [Vision and Action..., 2015, p. 10]. For short, this plan is called "one belt, one road". Many of its components are time-tested and developed by Beijing's international practice. Others are innovative in nature and are largely caused by the re-evaluation of the country's place in the world hierarchy at the turn of the 2000s and 2010s. Still others arise from the peculiarities of the current socio-economic and financial situation in China.

We emphasize that the Chinese project is not limited to the "belt and road" alone (which covers the entire "world island" - Asia, Europe and Africa): in the Western Hemisphere, Beijing also takes part in the development of the so-called global transport network (Figure 1). This concept took a central place in the information offensive last year China and acquired a symbolically important role.

FROM ADAPTATION TO THE GLOBAL ECONOMY TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PLANET'S ECONOMY

The historical background of the Chinese project is well known. In the new century, Beijing has moved from adapting to the global economy and a kind of "digesting globalization", which took about 20 years and ended with its WTO accession in 2001, to actively developing the world's economy, putting forward an "exit to the world" program1. This program had three main directions:

first, interaction with old industrial centers, largely focused on borrowing advanced technologies;

Secondly, especially close cooperation with nearby newly industrialized countries and territories (the Republic of Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Malaysia, etc.), which was based on cooperation in exporting to third-country markets - a kind of extension of the life span of export orientation of neighbors due to the Chinese production platform;

Third, we need to increase trade and contract cooperation with developing countries, primarily to provide resources for China's accelerated industrial and infrastructure development.

In other words, Beijing pursued a differentiated policy, rather than following a passive "integration into the world economy", which resulted in the loss of economic and political independence for many states, including transition countries. As a result, during the first decade and a half of "entering the world", the PRC not only became a major player in the existing global institutions with mainly Western control, but also actually organized its own subsystem in the international division of labor.

In the twenty-first century, China has become the world's leading exporter, largest industrial power and financial center. The PRC has become one of the leaders of the scientific, technological and environmental revolution, firmly tied to itself the near and many distant countries, and played a leading role in creating a number of new international formats, including the SCO and BRICS.

The PRC's economic offensive relies not only on a well-coordinated state-corporate mechanism, but also, to an increasing extent, on private capital that has matured to its own exports, as well as on a large patronized diaspora. This new guardianship (the previous one was carried out by Mao Zedong in the early years of the people's power) was largely facilitated by the aggression of Western powers in Libya, from where the PRC exemplary evacuated construction workers and thus won the widespread sympathy of foreign Chinese. In China, expats are no longer encouraged to be politically neutral. So, to the international conference

1 To a certain extent, the course of "going out into the world "(zou chu qu) develops and partially overcomes the traditional Chinese doctrine of "self-reliance" (tzu li geng sheng).

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About 600 prominent representatives of the diaspora from more than 100 countries were invited to Beijing in the spring of 2012. The forum was attended by almost all top leaders of the country, and their speeches emphasized the importance of participation of foreign Chinese in the political life of their countries of residence, "achieving common goals through public diplomacy" [Hu meets overseas Chinese..., 18.12.2015].

For this reason, China's expansion is quite natural. In private conversations, Chinese colleagues are not averse to joking about the "imperialist stage" of their socialist capitalism. This analogy also seems appropriate to many people because the traditional motive-the struggle for sales markets-was combined in the first decade of the XXI century with the active acquisition of foreign sources of fuel and raw materials by the PRC. In addition, Chinese "colonialism" has simultaneously triggered a new round of competition for developing countries in Africa and Latin America that have been forgotten by globalization [Salitsky and Semenova, 2016].

Figure 1

Expanded Global Transport Network map: infrastructure projects and corridors (planned, under construction, and completed)

Corridors: A-The Peru-Brazil Transcontinental Railway; B-the Darien Gap Transamerican Railway; C - the Alaska - Canada-Lower 48 Mainline; D - The Transcontinental Polyhighway (i.e., it combines rail and highways, power lines, oil and gas pipelines, and cable telecommunications) Eurasia - America via the Bering Strait; D - Trans-Siberian Corridor; E - Silk Road Economic Belt; G - North-South International Transport Corridor; 3-Trans-African Highway; I - Australian Circumferential Highway; K - Northern Sea Route.

Infrastructure projects: 1. The Great Transoceanic Canal of Nicaragua; 2. The Transport and Energy and Telecommunications Corridor under the Bering Strait; 3. The Mainland - Sakhalin Island Transport Link; 4. The Sakhalin - Hokkaido Tunnel; 5. The Seikan Tunnel; 6. The Korea - Japan underwater Tunnel; 7. The Bohai Bay Dalian - Yantai Tunnel; 8. Malacca Strait Bridge; 9. Sunda Strait Bridge Sumatra-Java; 10. Thai Canal; 11. Three-tiered tunnel under the Bosphorus Strait; 12. New Suez Canal; 13. Italy (Sicily)-Tunisia (Cape Bon) underground and underwater railway tunnel; 14. Gibraltar tunnel; 15. Eurotunnel under the English Channel; 16. Fehm-belt road and rail tunnel Denmark-Germany.

Source: [http://worldlandbridge.com/].

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The fact that China's rise and expansion coincided with the financial crisis in the West and the US's failures in the Middle East made the "imperialist" analogy even more acute due to the struggle for markets and influence. All this caused a sharply negative reaction from Washington at the turn of the 2000s and 2010s, strengthening its strategy to contain the PRC. The US policy on the situation in Xinjiang and Tibet added fuel to the fire. As a result, the polycentrism of the modern world has acquired the features of a new bipolarity [Barsky and Salitsky, 2012, p.70].

"The strategic content of the US' pivot to Asia ' policy is to suppress and encircle China," Li Jie, an analyst at the Institute of Naval Studies, wrote in the pages of the Chinese English - language newspaper Global Times under the headline "America is able to block China's vital sea routes." "The first priority of this policy is encirclement from the sea" (cit. by: [Tavrovsky, 2015]). It seems that the "pivot to Asia" strategy catalyzed the implementation of the ILC.

The Chinese response is complex. Beijing has strengthened the naval component of military construction, began to look for bases for the fleet abroad. The country's new leadership recently publicly acknowledged "a continuous expansion of the scope of state interests..., including in relation to foreign energy resources, strategic communication routes, as well as institutions, personnel and assets abroad." "Further expansion of strategic horizons", "zones of special interests abroad", "active strategic role in military rivalry" - all these assertive expressions are taken from open documents of our days [China's Military Strategy..., 2015, pp. 6, 13-15].

Among the answers in bipolar logic can be attributed to the Silk Belt initiative (recall that at the turn of the century, the United States promoted its interests in the Caspian region under the slogan "new silk road"). For the first time, this concept was voiced by Chinese President Xi Jinping at Nazarbayev University in September 2013. The very word "belt" evokes memories of the term rimland ("arc land") from the geopolitical construction of N. Spikeman. The word hinterland ("inner lands") is also found in the text of the Chinese concept. Geopolitical classics are now very popular among Chinese international experts. But they, of course, avoid direct analogies, as well as comparisons of the Silk Belt with the J. Marshall Plan, announced in 1947 at Harvard University.

In the text of the Belt and Road concept, there is the expression Eurasian Land Bridge ("Eurasian Land Bridge") [Vision and Actions, p. 10; Jones, 2015]. It has long been actively used by a group of Western scientists headed by Lyndon LaRouche. They are characterized by a sharply critical attitude towards Western mainstream views and pro-Western financial architecture, as well as considerable enthusiasm for global infrastructure projects, including, for example, the Bering Strait tunnel. The Group collaborates with the Chunyang Institute of the People's University of China, where in 2015 they published a Chinese translation of the collective report "The New Silk Road Becomes the World Land Bridge "[Vision and Actions, p. 10, 29-32].

China's "silk offensive" now looks exceptionally advantageous in the eyes of the world's broadest audience. Beijing offers to build infrastructure, trade and improve the environment. Many people are impressed by the priority of the real economy. For development corridors, multimodal hubs, clean energy sources and high-speed highways, China devotes impressive financial resources 2-while the old powers tighten their belts, wince at stock market reports and get carried away with power projects

2 During the 12th five-year plan (2011-2015), rail investment reached 3.58 trillion yuan and 30,500 km of new lines were commissioned. For the 13th five-year period (2016-2020), investment in China's infrastructure and railways is expected to reach 3.5-3.8 trillion yuan (Liang Fei, 2016).

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with exercises. The beginning of the offensive was successful, moreover, it turned out to be informative and effective. The appearance of geopolitical and military justifications in the Chinese expansion is not yet very striking, which, however, does not make them any less significant.

NEW PRIORITIES OF "GOING OUT TO THE WORLD"

The Belt and Road concept (developed jointly by the State Committee for Development and Reform, the Ministry of Commerce and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China) contains clear economic and geographical contours and fairly detailed instructions on the tasks of certain regions of China in implementing the project. For example, the provinces of the upper and middle reaches of the Yangtze River are encouraged to cooperate with their partners in the Volga region. In general, the interior of the country is oriented towards cooperation with central, southern and western parts of Asia. The role of" window and vanguard " in the western land direction is assigned to the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. Yunnan Province will play a similar role in land and river communications with the countries of ASEAN and South Asia. Coastal provinces (with the indication of specific cities), in turn, form the base of the sea route.

A special place in the concept was occupied by Russia - including as a gateway to the Baltic Sea and the Sea of Japan. A high-speed transport corridor Beijing-Moscow is planned. Other corridors include China-Mongolia-Russia, China-Central Asia-West Asia, China-Indochina Peninsula, China-Pakistan and Bangladesh, and China-India-Myanmar.

Figure 2

Main routes of the Silk Belt and the Maritime Silk Road in Eurasia

Источник: [https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/files/chathamhouse/media_wysiwyg/OBORMap_0.jpg].

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This general disposition (Figure 2), for which the succinct formula "dongwen - beiqiang - Nanxia - xijin" is selected: "stabilize in the east - strengthen in the north - descend in the south - advance in the west", captures projects that are in various stages of development and implementation, including completed ones. But the ongoing expansion is also underpinned by China's changing economic and political parameters and updated goals.

At this historical stage, the PRC is completing accelerated industrialization and has significant excess capacity in heavy industry, including metallurgy, building material production3, transport and energy engineering. The service sector is becoming the engine of economic growth, and the energy intensity 4 [SCO members..., 18.12.2015] and the material intensity of GDP continue to decline. Under the weight of environmental problems, a public demand for a strong policy in this area has been formed and is being implemented, which is already enshrined in the country's international obligations.

It is noteworthy that at the end of 2014, China offered Kazakhstan a program to export steel, cement, glass, electricity production to its territory, as well as processing a number of raw materials [U.S. property agents..., 18.12.2015].

This is not the only prerequisite for expanding cooperation with the Belt and Road countries. Following wage growth and the consumer and environmental revolution, the price competitiveness of Chinese enterprises in a number of labor-intensive light industry sectors continues to decline. There is a shortage of labor in the countryside, and urbanization leads to a shortage of agricultural land. The latter have become the subject of increased interest of Chinese investors around the world [Silk Road..., 2015].

At the same time, high savings rates and huge foreign exchange reserves remain, despite the significantly increased export and outflow of capital. It can be said that the PRC has reached the capital-surplus stage of economic evolution, the advanced level of industrial technologies, i.e., the phase in which the industrialized countries in the 1960s launched assistance programs for developing countries.

China's widely recognized achievements in information and communication technologies add to the expansion potential. In the Western European direction, the current Chinese expansion includes active investment in high-tech enterprises, joint research and development, etc. Cases of acquisition and creation of industrial enterprises abroad are multiplying.

All these changes are reflected in the nature of China's "entry into the world", expanding potential areas of cooperation with the countries of the "belt and road". Their energy (fuel and raw materials) component, which has become the basis of China's cooperation with Russia and Central Asian countries over the past decade and a half, can be supplemented with new elements and eventually evolve into a full-blooded and versatile mechanism of cooperation.

The Belt and Road concept sets out five priorities for cooperation. These include coordinating national economic strategies; enhancing connectivity of national infrastructure systems; removing barriers to trade and investment; financial cooperation; and humanitarian links.

The detailed description of these priorities proposed in the document indicates a thorough study of the Belt and Road project, including the balance of modern capabilities of the PRC and the needs of partner countries. The document is designed in an optimistic spirit and projects the vocabulary of modern international cooperation on the realities

3 In 2014, for the first time in many years, China's production of coal, fertilizers, refrigerators, tractors, and textiles declined. In 2015, the production of steel, pig iron, coke, cement, glass, automobiles, etc. decreased [General Administration..., 2015].

4 GDP's energy intensity decreased by 4.8% in 2014 and 5.7% in the three quarters of 2015 [General Administration..., 2015].

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incomplete modernization and undeveloped infrastructure of most states of a vast geographical area. Considerable emphasis is placed on cooperation in new and high-tech industries, industrial integration, and a favorable business climate.

It is noteworthy that the concept takes into account the interests of countries with established raw material specialization: it is proposed, in particular, cooperation in the field of deep processing of fuel and raw materials near their extraction sites. The recommendations for Chinese companies operating abroad to localize production, increase employment of the local population, social and environmental responsibility, etc. are formulated in an attractive way for partner countries.

CHINA'S CONSTRUCTIVE FINANCIAL INITIATIVES

Special attention of the world community was drawn to Chinese initiatives in the field of financing the Belt and Road projects, Beijing's readiness to make large investments in new international banks and development funds. The concept includes such institutions as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), the BRICS New Development Bank, and the Silk Road Fund (SFP). The tasks of these institutions, in addition to lending to investment projects, include the creation of a currency stabilization system. Multilateral cooperation is planned with the interbank associations of the ASEAN and SCO countries in the form of syndicated loans and credits. Governments, companies and banks of partner countries are promised assistance in placing bonds on the Chinese financial market. Qualified Chinese financial institutions are encouraged to issue obligations in yuan and local currencies outside of China to raise funds for the Belt and Road initiative. We offer the closest possible cooperation in credit risk assessment, rating, and interaction between sovereign and private funds. One of the tasks of the new institutions is to further internationalize the Chinese currency.

The SREB has already started working in cooperation with Chinese banks. In April 2015, China and Pakistan signed a $ 46 billion agreement providing for large-scale investments in transport infrastructure [China's Presidency in Pakistan..., 2016] and Pakistan's energy sector: construction of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor - a network of roads, railways and pipelines between the allied countries. The length of the tracks reaches 3 thousand km, they will go from Pakistan's southern Gwadar to China's western Xinjiang province. These projects will give China access to the Indian Ocean. The projects will be financed by the SREB, the Industrial Trade Bank of China (ICBC), the Development Bank of China (CDB) and the Export-Import Bank of China.

The Iranian direction is also not far behind: the first regular container train between China and the Middle East left on January 28, 2016 from the Yiwu 5 western railway station (Zhejiang Province) on the route Zhejiang-Xinjiang-Kazakhstan-Turkmenistan-Tehran, planning to cover more than 10 thousand km of travel in 14 days [Huang Zongzhi, 2016]. Other leading Chinese financial institutions, such as the Bank of China and the Construction Bank, have also been involved in the Belt and Road projects.

Along the way, there are also amateur "silk" structures. In March 2015, a group of investors announced the creation of the Silk Road Green Fund with a capital of $ 30 billion. yuan [Investors Embrace..., 18.12.2015]. Two leading Chinese gold miners (Shandong Gold Group and Shaanxi Gold Group) have announced a "Silk Road Gold Fund" with the intention of raising $ 100 billion. RMB for investment in the industry in the "belt and road" countries and its financial (exchange-traded) service.

5 More than 4 thousand Middle Eastern businessmen live in Yiwu (Zhejiang Province, China), and more than 180 investment companies have been established with their participation. Exports to the Middle East totaled $ 58.3 billion in 2015. RMB8. 8 billion USD) [Huang Zongzhi, 2016].

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By establishing the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, which includes leading European countries, as well as Australia and New Zealand6, Beijing has effectively announced a general mobilization of finance for infrastructure development throughout the Euro-Asian space. This is quite natural, given the strength of the country's construction industry and the already existing experience of working abroad [Aristova, Semenova, 2014, pp. 60-67, 101]. But this positioning is also propagandistic: China's constructive financial initiatives contrast favorably with the persistent debt and budget problems of developed countries.

For developing and transition countries in the Belt and Road area, Chinese initiatives can be both an opportunity and a threat, depending on their ability to respond satisfactorily to Beijing's proposals.

SILK ROAD AND RUSSIA: DIVIDENDS AND RISKS

To begin with, Russia should probably decide on its own place and role in the Chinese project. Its very appearance, in our opinion, is beneficial to Russia. The fact is that at the global level, Russia and China have formed more points of convergence of interests than it was until recently at the regional level, including in Central Asia [Bordachev, 2015].

According to Russian experts, Russia, through the prism of the SREB concept, still looks not as a strategic market, but as a strategically important transit territory [Tavrovsky, 2015]. Given the continuing instability in the Middle East and Transcaucasia, transport arteries in Russia are becoming of paramount importance. This is not only the Russian part of Beijing's planned main container route, which starts from the port of Liangyun Gang on the east coast of China, passes through the central provinces and Xinjiang, continues through Kazakhstan, merges with the highways of the Urals and the South, and then through a new bridge over the Kerch Strait should go to the deep-water port in the Crimea, from where containers will be delivered by ships across the Mediterranean across Europe, to the Middle East and Africa. The role of stand-ins will be played by the Trans-Siberian Railway and BAM upgraded with Chinese participation, as well as other steel highways that already carry container trains from China to Western Europe. Beijing is increasingly interested in the Northern Sea Route. Russia will also benefit from the new highways of the Western China - Western Europe highway, which has already been built across China and is being completed on the territory of Kazakhstan. Moreover, the above-mentioned appearance of geopolitical justifications in the ILC (Chinese world project) objectively increases the importance of Russia as the owner of the heartland ("middle earth, core"). The idea of a "belt" works in much the same direction: the land junction of China and Europe bypassing Russia is geographically flawed [Salitsky and Semenova, 2016]. Apparently, these and many other reasons7 served as the basis for a winning, from the point of view of Russia, joint statement on linking the belt project with the construction of the EAEU in May 2015 [Gabuev, 2016].

The political dividends of the Russian Federation and the high level of trust between Russia and China that has developed so far [China Record..., 2015] do not guarantee the absence of risks in the future. Understanding this perfectly, the Russian side in the new century has made efforts to put relations on a solid economic basis, unfortunately, mainly through an extensive increase in the export of fuel and raw materials.

6 As of April 20, 2015, a total of 57 States have joined the Memorandum [The Asian Infrastructure..., 2015].

7 "If the US line is too tough on oil prices, Ukraine and the promotion of NATO, if the rebalancing against China in the Pacific goes too far, then all this can lead Russia and China to a formal alliance, even considering that such an alliance is not their primary goal," he stated at the beginning of 2015. G. Feng Huiyun, a Chinese analyst based in Denmark (Salitsky and Semenova, 2016).

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The fall in fuel and raw material prices in the mid-2010s pushed back the quantitative indicators of trade. As a result, the Russian Federation and the Central Asian countries continue to be China's secondary economic partners in general: they together account for only 2.3% of China's exports and 2.9% of its imports. The only component that is sensitive for the Chinese economy is the supply of hydrocarbons from Russia and Central Asia. For oil, their share in total consumption is about 10%, for natural gas-about 15% [General Administration..., 2015]. China continues to increase its oil imports, with an increase of 8.8% in the first three quarters of 2015. Natural gas consumption growth slowed down in 2015: the increase was 3-4% over the year [General Administration..., 18.12.2015], but we can predict higher consumption growth rates in the future: this is exactly what the significant reduction in domestic prices in November 20158 is aimed at.

However, there are risks of securing Russia as a passive party (sales market and fuel source). After all, the quality and priorities of Chinese expansion are beginning to change, and China is becoming a kind of exporter of modernization. Therefore, the relatively low quantitative indicators of trade with China should not be dramatized. First, it is strange to be proud of large volumes of low-quality international specialization. Secondly, there is still a real opportunity to significantly improve the quality of such specialization in the Chinese direction, since for a long time it remained on the margins of the attention of Russian business and the establishment.

With Russia turning to the East and partly to the North (the revival of the Northern Sea Route can also be imagined as part of the "belt and road") The situation has improved somewhat: there is a growing number of areas where cooperation between the two countries looks modern, technologically rich and corresponds to the best opportunities of the parties.

There are also relatively simple opportunities to diversify cooperation related to the achievements and ongoing restructuring of the Chinese economy. In particular, China is becoming a major grain importer [Indian Railways..., 18.12.2015]. Theoretically, there is a possibility of organizing an "Asian breadbasket" in Central Eurasia (Altai, Western Siberia, northern Kazakhstan) - as a component of the "belt" and an element of collective food security. Cooperation with Chinese builders and exporters in third-country markets is very reliable and attractive.

The high investment and financial tone of the People's Republic of China during the beginning of the materialization of the "belt and Road" concept can change the global mood. Will Chinese initiatives push forward the long-awaited investment boom, including in neighboring countries? It is possible that this will happen one way or another.

* * *

China's "silk offensive" hardly received an adequate assessment and proper information coverage in Russia. Meanwhile, the appearance of the Chinese project is beneficial for Russia, and now it has to decide on its own place and role in it. Ultimately, participation in a constructive project is a necessary prerequisite for the gradual restructuring of Russian-Chinese relations.

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Barsky K. M., Salitsky A. I. Polycentrism of the modern world and new bipolarity as a possible scenario of global development. 2012. N 7. = Barskii K.M., Salitskii A.I. Politsentrizm sovremennogo mira i novaia bipoliarnost' kak vozmozhnyi stsenarii global'nogo razvitiia // Mir i politika. 2012. N 7.

China's military strategy. Press Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China. Beijing: Publishing House of Literature in Foreign Languages. 2015. Voennaia strategiia Kitaia. Press-kantseliariia Gossoveta KNR. Pekin: Izdatel'stvo literatury na inostrannykh iazykakh. 2015.

Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21-st Century Maritime Silk Road. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press. 2015.

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