The centuries-old contradictions between Shiites and Sunnis have taken the form of not only confessional, political or diplomatic conflicts. They seriously affected the mutual perceptions of Muslims of two confessional trends within Islam, which sometimes resulted in almost physical hostility between Sunnis and Shiites. In a centuries-old dispute, both sides have attached the label "wrong" to each other. Sometimes it was difficult to separate simple religious rejection from political confrontations, which, in turn, often became a reason for mutual military expansions, bloody clashes, etc. Most of all, hostile relations between the Shiites of Iran and the Sunnis of Central Asia were manifested from the beginning of the XVI century., when power in Iran passed to the Safavids (1502-1736) and many Sunnis fled from Iran, including to Central Asia. It was these Sunni immigrants who added a new impetus to mutual claims.

Interesting observations of academician V. V. Barthold, who noted that the difference between the newly formed Safavid state in Persia and Turkey in the west and the Uzbek khanates in the east was that Shi'ism in the first of them became the state religion. Further, V. V. Barthold states the opinion of the Turkish historian of that time Cevdat Pasha that Shah Isma'il (1502-1524), the founder of the Persian state, deliberately made Shi'ism the official religion of Persia, since he understood that there could be no other Sunni state next to such a Sunni state as Turkey [Barthold, 1963, p. 750]. Such a peculiar ("imperial") perception of Iran by a Turkish historian, of course, did not reflect all the complexity and palette of relations between this Shiite state and its neighbors. However, we can see a very significant legitimation of mutual political ambitions through arguments based on confessional alienation.

Keywords: hajj, route, impressions, poems, Sunni, Shiite environment, confessional borders, religious culture, adaptation, elite.

As a result of political and religious changes under the Safavids, military campaigns against Iran for its Sunni neighbors were not just legitimate, but were taken to the rank of religious prescriptions, for example, they were legitimized as ghazat. Any ruler who made such a campaign assumed the title of Abu'l-ghazi, mentioning this title in coinage and official correspondence [Schaibanidesche Grabinschriften..., 1997, p. 12-14]. Iran has been the target of Sunni attacks in Ottoman Turkey and the Uzbek khanates of Turkestan. The Safavids also did not miss out.-

The author expresses his gratitude to B. M. Babadzhanov, who pointed out to him the work of Hakim Khan and encouraged the author to write this work.

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In order to avoid the possibility of revenge, and accusing their neighbors of "disbelief", they raided territories subject to the Great Port (for example, Asia Minor) (see for more details: [Petrushevsky, 1966, pp. 374-376]). Central Asia also became an object of Iran's expansion. It is enough to recall the campaign of Shah Isma'il to the east, as a result of which a number of cities were captured and thousands of inhabitants were taken prisoner. Some cities were turned into Shiite ones (Barthold, 1963, p. 751).

At least since the victory of Shiism in Iran, the attitude towards it as a state of "infidels" has actually become fixed in the public opinion of Sunnis in Central Asia and in Turkey. In Central Asia, there is a famous fatwa that equated the Shiites of Iran with "infidels". It was a political fatwa that legitimized the Shaibanid raids (1501-1603) on Iran. The first ruler to receive such a fatwa in 1586 was Khan 'Abdullahan of Bukhara (actually ruled: 1557-1598). 'Abdullakhan, in the course of expanding the borders of his state under the slogan of "fighting infidels", reached Mashhad and, moving deeper into Khorasan, captured Herat [Fayziev, 1990, p. 9].

The confrontation between Sunnis and Shiites at that time complicated the path of Central Asian pilgrims going to visit the sacred sites in Mecca and Medina. In the late 16th and early 17th centuries, when the Turks dominated the Caucasus, Central Asian Muslims could make the pilgrimage to Mecca from Turkestan directly through Turkish possessions, without passing through Shiite Persia, since it was not safe for Sunnis to do so. The Caspian Shirvan belonged to the Turks, and the Uzbek dynasties owned the Mangyshlak Peninsula, which was important as a transit region where ships landed and from where the caravan route to Khiva and Bukhara began. However, these favorable conditions did not last long. After some time, the Iranians under the leadership of Shah Abbas I the Great (1587-1629) recaptured their former territories in the Caspian region (Barthold, 1963, p.754).

Since then, the transit of pilgrims through Iran has sharply decreased, as crossing through these territories was associated with greater risks, which were associated with the already well-established antipathies of Sunnis and Shiites. However, there were occasionally some hajjis who made a pilgrimage to the holy places or back through Iran. One of these pilgrims who decided to return via Iran was Hakim Khan of Tura (c. 1793-1848)1. He was a native of Kokand and a scion of the Prophet's family (sayyid). In Kokand, he was an influential political figure. His lineage went back to the Qasan shaykh, better known by his honorary nickname - Makhdum-i A'zam, and through him to the fourth Caliph Ali ibn Abu Talib (c. 600-661). In this sense, one of the scribes of his manuscript describes Muhammad Hakim Khan as " the refuge of Sayyidism and nobility... son of the consequence of a great family and an honorable family" [Khurshut, 1990, p. 12].

By chance, he was forced to return from Hajj via Iran. His impressions and his usual reaction as a Sunni in a confessionally alien (if not hostile) environment have become the subject of research in this article. These impressions of the author are important, since his sketches are distinguished by details that we cannot get from other sources. There is a chance to look at the little-known aspects of the relationships and perceptions of ordinary people and the aristocracy of neighboring regions, between which, by the will of fate, not only geopolitical, but also confessional borders lay. The main source is the work of Muhammad Hakim Khan ("Extract from Stories/Chronicles"), which is one of the most important in the study of Sunni-Shiite relations.

1 Haji Muhammad Hakim Khan, son of Sayyid Ma'sum Khan (born c. 1217/1802-1803 or in 1221/1806-1807 died after 1261/1845) - a prominent historian, writer, geographer, and traveler [Sobranie vostochnykh..., 1998, p. 195].

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So, in the first half of the XIX century. Persia remained Shiite, but the Qajar dynasty (1781-1925) already ruled there. At this time (more precisely, in the spring of 1826), Muhammad Hakim Khan came to the territory of Russia after being expelled from the Kokand Khanate. From Russia, after much misadventure, he decided to perform hajj, intending to pass through the territory of northern Iran (through the Caspian Sea) and then reach the capital of Turkey. However, due to military operations between Russia and Persia (1825), he chose the road along the right bank of the Caspian Sea, where the Black Sea cordon line passed, separating the possessions of Russia from the invading Transcuban unconquered Circassians. Moving along this line, passing through city after city, after many hardships and adventures (up to imprisonment), Hakim Khan reached the territory of Turkey. It then traveled through Latakia and Damascus (Syria), Kanan (Canaan), Tabariya, Gaza (Palestine) and arrived in Cairo. In Suez, he boarded a ship and crossed the Red Sea to the port of Yanbo, on the eastern coast of the Red Sea. Then-Jeddah, Mecca, Medina, again the Red Sea, the port of Qusair on the African coast of the Red Sea, the way through the Arabian desert, the city of Kanna (Kena) on the banks of the Nile, the descent down the river to Cairo. Such a route from Mecca to Cairo was chosen by Hakim Khan not by chance, since it was the most convenient way, which, according to the author, has been used since time immemorial, especially for those who, after Hajj, tried to protect their return as much as possible and at the same time "see cities and regions" inhabited by Muslims and other peoples.

In addition, Hakim Khan clearly used the "roundabout route" as a return route to visit famous cities of the Islamic world. From Cairo, it goes to Palestine, Jerusalem, Hebron, Sinai, Nablus, and then moves to Damascus and Baghdad (Khurshut, 1990: 14-16). At the same time, he describes these cities in sufficient detail, the local situation, and meets with high-ranking aristocracy. In Baghdad, he decided to return to his homeland via Shiite Iran. He does not indicate the reason for choosing this path. It can be assumed that the hardships and dangers that he experienced on the way through Russia forced him to choose the path through Iran. Hakim Khan doesn't talk about his own concerns, especially about his religious alienation in Iran. What gave him confidence in his own safety was that he was a descendant of the Prophet and hoped for traditional respect for the offspring of the house of the Prophet. He was well aware of the degree of alienation between Sunnis and Shiites, which made him change his appearance frequently. Leaving Baghdad, Hakim Khan donned Anatolian clothing and joined a caravan bound for Hamadan. After ten days and nights, he reached Hamadan. Here he dressed like a Shiite and began to let his curls grow behind his ear sockets. Without funds, he left the road leading to Tehran and turned towards the Kurdistan region, where all the local residents were Sunni Shafi'is. Muhammad Hakim Khan writes about this: "I came to the city of Senendej, where Khosrow Khan (the ruler of Kurdistan) ruled. He is in the depths of his soul ("inwardly") he was a Shafi'i, but outwardly behaved like a shiite. In the city, I stayed in a caravanserai, and after meeting the owner of the caravanserai, Mirza Abu Turab, I moved to his home" [Muhammad Hakim khan, 2006, p. 507-510].

One can imagine the self-perception of the author, who calls himself a "zealous Sunni". Moreover, his ancestor, known by his honorary nickname - Makhdum-i A'zam (d. 1542)2, was an opponent of Shiism, equated Shiites with "infidels" and believed that a holy war (i.e. ghazat) could be waged against them (Babadzhanov, 1996, pp. 106-109).

Having entered the land of the Shiites, he first appeared in Iranian Kurdistan. From his stories, we learn that he did not feel any confessional discomfort when he was among the rulers and aristocracy. On the contrary, after learning about his origin, the elite accepted him as "their own". Therefore, the author easily approached people who provided him with shelter and even offered funds for the return journey. About your religious beliefs

2 A well-known Naqshbandi shaikh (see Babadzhanov, 2006, p.262-263).

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He completely forgets his affections when meeting Princess Pari Sultan of Iran in the city of Senendej and Shahinshah Fath Ali Shah (1771-1834, Shahinshah of Iran since 1797) in Tehran. Moreover, even they, being educated people, do not give Hakim Khan any reason to feel confessional alienation. When they find out that he belongs to the house of the Prophet, they give him gifts [Muhammad Hakim khan, 2006, p. 525-527, 539-545]. This attitude to the pilgrim aristocrat is not accidental. As B. M. Babadzhanov quite aptly notes, we are witnessing a special "social code" of the elite, when the aristocracy of different faiths and even different beliefs can understand each other and get closer together without hindrance. "In other words, in this case, the author's class law (both his own and "others'") dominates confessional alienation" [Babadzhanov, 2010, pp. 437-438].

Further, to continue his journey, Hakim Khan looks for fellow travelers or joins trade caravans. Sunni Muslims, mostly merchants, were sometimes found in caravans that traveled through Iran. With one of these fellow travelers, Hakim Khan was delayed in the city of Sebzevar due to the fact that he was seriously ill and fell behind the caravan. His traveling companion was looking after him. According to Hakim Khan, the city of Sebzevar was very comfortable and populous. He described other advantages of the city and region. Here he again recalls his religious affiliation, claiming that the people living there were "the worst Rafidites"3. His dislike is clearly caused by memories of the misadventures that he experienced there. Adapting to the surrounding environment, Hakim Khan changed his appearance (letting go, for example, "Shiite curls" behind the ear sockets, accordingly dressing in "Kyzylbash clothes4"), learned to speak in the Persian manner and behave "like a rafidite". However, the owner of the caravanserai suspected him of being a Sunni and tried to "bring him to light" by setting several fans on him. By a series of ruses and tricks, Hakim Khan and his companion escaped from the city. In his descriptions, Hakim Khan does not spare negative epithets and characteristics to his opponent, even calling him a "Rafidite dog". The companions manage to escape to Nishapur, where the author stayed for 10 days to recover from his illness [Muhammad Hakim khan, 2006, p. 546-549].

After being cured, Hakim Khan and his traveling companion continued their journey in the company of seven Shiites, whom the author calls "worthless". Muhammad Hakim Khan and his fellow traveler-friend reached Mashhad. Stopping at a caravanserai, Muhammad Hakim Khan recalled that he had once met a certain Muhammad Hasan (obviously a Sunni), who was the son of a large merchant from Mashhad. After inquiring about him, Hakim Khan found him and received an invitation to stay at his house. The symptoms of the disease reappeared, and Muhammad Hakim Khan stayed in Mashhad for some time. Some time later, in the hope of a final cure, he visited the tomb of the Eighth Imam Musa 'Ali-Riza. During the performance of the pilgrimage ritual (ziyar), his traveling companion (a merchant from Transoxiana) recited a verse in which there are abusive words addressed to Mashhad:

Rafidites 3 (ar-rawafid - "forsaking", "rejecting") is one of the common nicknames of Shiites. The nickname is due to the fact that they reject the rule of the caliphs Abu Bakr and Umar.

Kyzylbashi 4 (redheads) was originally the name of Azerbaijani tribes that wore headdresses (turban/dustor) with twelve red stripes (in honor of 12 Shiite imams). With their help, the Ssfsvid dynasty (1502-1736) came to power in Iran in the 16th century. Subsequently, Sunni Muslims applied the term "qizshbash" to Shiite Persian soldiers (Mirza 'Abdal-'azim Sami, 1962, p.132).

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Literally: "Samarkand is the splendor of the face of the earth / / Bukhara is the power of the Islamic religion / / The dome of Mashhad cannot flourish / / It is the latrine of the face of the earth."

Upon hearing this, the Shiites lashed out at the reciter of such offensive verses. That merchant was beaten up by a group of Shiites (pilgrims) and lost consciousness. After reviving him, the Shiites demanded to repeat the verse. After repeating the verse, one of the Shiites threatened to say:: "Your Turkestan poems have led people astray. So read them this way:

Literally: "Samarkand-the splendor of the face of the earth / / Bukhara-is connected to hell / / If you inhale the aroma of the dome of Mashhad / / You will smell the smell of earthly paradise."

The hapless reciter refused to repeat the new version of the ruba'i, after which a crowd of Shiites again began to beat him. Hakim Khan, he said, was taken aback. The crowd, suspecting him of being a Sunni, threatened to kill him as well. Seeing no way out, the author joins the attackers and gives his companion a few punches. Hakim Khan justifies his actual betrayal by saying that his companion himself provoked the conflict [Muhammad Hakim khan, 2006, p. 549-558].

After Mashhad, Hakim Khan continued his journey with a caravan that left Balkh and headed for Bukhara. After passing the city of Serakhs and p. Tajn, the caravan approached the borders of the Sunni Transoxiana. Hakim Khan and his Iranian companions were ambushed by a band of bandits consisting of Turkmens5. After the Turkmens have captured them and tied them up, Hakim Khan begins to talk about being a Sunni, despite his "Shiite appearance". He is a pilgrim of Sacred Temples and was forced to transform himself as he returned through Shiite territories. Now he is going to Bukhara. Hakim Khan mentions the names of several familiar dignitaries and emirs of Khorezm. The Turkmens, realizing that he is indeed a Sunni, release him and his friend, and take the remaining Shiites with them. At the same time, the author acts rather strangely. He not only betrays his fellow travelers, but even incites the Turkmens to sell them into slavery. At the same time, Hakim Khan was well aware that the goal of the robbers was to capture Shiites and sell them into slavery in the markets of Bukhara or Khorezm.

After that, Hakim Khan safely crossed the Jeykhun (Amu Darya) and reached the Bukhara Khanate. Hakim Khan's adventures and experiences in Shiite Iran end here.

Hakim Khan's account shows that relations between Sunnis and Shiites remained tense at that time. Sectarian hostility served as a pretext for Sunni and Shiite leaders to wage wars, raid and conquer, and even rob people in the border areas, when among other plundered wealth, prisoners were captured and turned into slaves. Judging by Hakim Khan's stories, mutual contempt and hatred were more prevalent among ordinary believers, while the political elite and aristocracy could easily overcome confessional alienation. Hakim Khan's behavior in a confessional-unfriendly environment can be considered as an example of the extreme adaptation of a Sunni to a Shiite environment. However, we do not think it is necessary to evaluate Hakim Khan's behavior from the point of view of modern ethical standards of behavior. Apparently, repeated risks increased his religious hostility, which clearly turned into hostility.

5 During these times, Turkmens, Kazakhs, and other nomadic peoples were engaged in abducting people to sell them into slavery in large cities like Khiva and Bukhara (see for more details: [Fayziev, 1990, p. 10-13]).

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Fear for his own life led him to resort to hypocrisy and even treachery. His psychological discomfort among Shiites is very revealing and shows how deeply ingrained the mutual hostility between Sunnis and Shiites is.

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Fayziev T. A. Bukhoro feudal zhamiyatida kullardan foidalanishga doir khuzhatlar (XIX acp) (Documents on the use of slaves in feudal Bukhara (XIX century) (in Uzbek). Tashkent: Fan Publ., 1990.

Khurshut E. U. "Muntakhab at-tavarikh" as a historical monument of Central Asia in the first half of the XIX century. Abstract of the dissertation of Doctor of Historical Sciences. Tashkent: Kh. Suleymanov Institute of Manuscripts of the Academy of Sciences of the Uzbek SSR, 1990.

Muhammad Hakim khan. Muntakhab al-tawarikh (Selected History) / Ed. by Yayoi ICawahara and Koichi Hancda. ILCAA (Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa). Vol. II. Tokyo, 2006.

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