At the end of the first decade of Pakistan's existence¹ Its relations with Afghanistan remained strained, and the reason for this tension was the ownership by Pakistan of the territories of the eastern Pashtuns - the North-Western Border Province (NWFP), now called Khyber Pakhtunkhwa ², and the border along the Durand Line.

Keywords: Pakistan, Afghanistan, NWFP, Durand Line, Muslim League, Pashtunistan, Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan.

The Afghan Parliament, elected after the decolonization of India and the creation of Pakistan, at its first session in 1949 declared invalid all treaties and agreements with the British Empire concerning the ownership of the territories of the eastern Pashtuns and the Durand border by Pakistan. Relations between the two countries were particularly strained after the elimination of the provinces formed according to the territorial-linguistic principle in the western part of Pakistan, and the creation of a single province (One Unit) of West Pakistan on March 27, 1955. The population of Afghanistan, fueled by the ruling circles, held demonstrations against this decision of the Government of Pakistan. The authorities of the latter, despite the protests of their own population, considered their actions correct, contributing to the creation of a unified Pakistani nation. All territorial claims of Afghanistan were still rejected by them.

However, within the ruling elite of Pakistan itself, contradictions over the governance of the state began to grow. One part of it was inclined to dictatorial methods, the other relied on democracy. On February 29, 1956, the Constituent Assembly of this British dominion adopted the Constitution, and on March 2 it was approved by the Governor-General Iskander Mirza. On March 23, 1956, the Constituent Assembly declared Pakistan an Islamic Republic. According to this Constitution, the supreme power in the country belonged to the President and the unicameral Parliament - the National Assembly. Iskander Mirza became the first President of Pakistan. Full executive power was concentrated in the hands of the Prime Minister. Disputes between the National Assembly and the provincial assemblies (now there were only two of them left - West and East Pakistan) were decided in the Supreme Court, appointed by the President, who had to be a Muslim. The Muslim clergy have been given greater opportunities to influence politics and state governance. The behavior of citizens must necessarily correspond to-

¹ Pakistan came into being in 1947 as a result of the partition of British India.

^{Option 2}: Khyber Pashtunkhwa. The province consists of administrative districts and Federally Administered Tribal Areas ( FATA).

According to Article 198 of the Constitution, no law could be issued that contradicted the norms of Islam.

Nevertheless, after the establishment of independent Pakistan in 1956, the political situation in the country remained tense. The Muslim League (ML), which was in power, was in a deep crisis. Local political organizations called for the creation of an all-Pakistan party that would unite all the democratic forces of the country. In May 1956, at the suggestion of Abdul Ghaffar Khan, head of the National People's Party³ A meeting was scheduled in Peshawar between representatives of the West Pakistan Awami League Anti-Establishment United Province Front and the East Pakistan Awami League left wing to discuss the establishment of an opposition party. The arrest of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and many other leaders of the Opposition Front delayed the meeting. Instead, at the end of May 1956, a meeting of the leaders of the Azad Pakistan and Sindh Awami Mahaz parties was held, at which it was decided that such a party should be based on general democratic principles and come up with a specific economic program. The movement for the creation of an opposition party has expanded in all parts of Pakistan, including in the border Pashtun areas. Under the pressure of the masses, the government was forced to release Abdul Ghaffar Khan and other figures of the Front for Countering the formation of a unified province of West Pakistan [Gankovsky, Gordon-Polonskaya, 1961, p.299].

On April 23, 1956, as a result of a split in the ML, the establishment of the Republican Party was proclaimed on the initiative of Khan Sahib, and on April 29, a Republican bloc was formed in the Provincial Assembly of West Pakistan, which included the majority of its deputies. A provincial government of the Republican Party was formed, which enjoyed the support of the republic's President Iskander Mirza. In East Pakistan, the Awami League government led by Ataur Rahman came to power on September 4, and martial law was lifted on September 6.

At the beginning of September 1956, a meeting of representatives of opposition parties was held ⁱⁿ Lahore4, at which the basis of the program and charter of the National Party of Pakistan were developed, and on November 30, its first conference was held in Lahore [Gankovsky, Gordon-Polonskaya, 1961, p.299]. The party's goal was to achieve Pakistan's withdrawal from the military blocs, establish cooperation with Muslim countries, fight for democratic freedoms, equal rights of citizens regardless of religious affiliation, and for the welfare of the people. The party supported the movement for the autonomy of ethnic territories, in fact advocating the re-establishment of provinces on the territorial-linguistic principle.

Thus, the ML-United Front coalition was now opposed by a major force, and President Iskander Mirza entrusted the formation of a new government cabinet to a major political figure in East Pakistan, the leader of the right wing Awami League, H. S. Suhrawardi. The latter formed a coalition government consisting of representatives of the Awami League and the Republican Party, and the ML, which led the struggle for the creation of Pakistan, and now gradually losing its positions, and the United Front were forced to go into opposition not only in the provinces, but also in the center.

However, the planned agricultural program of the Avami League remained on paper. Thus, the food issue was not resolved either. The crisis in agricultural production has also had a detrimental effect on industrial development plans. Intra-governmental and intra-party struggles led in October 1957 to the withdrawal of the Republican Party from the ruling coalition and to the replacement of the government of H. S. Suhrawardi

³ National Avami Party.

⁴ Sindh Awami Mahaz, Red Shirt and Ostoman Ghislaw Parties.

by the coalition government of I. I. Chundrsh Ara. The coalition consisted of ML, Republican Party, Krishok Sramik and Nizam-i Islam parties. However, in December of the same year, 1957, this coalition collapsed, and the government of the Republican Party headed by M. F. Nun came to power. The consolidation of forces in favor of a radical revision of foreign and domestic policy has intensified in the country. Back in the fall of 1956, the National Party was formed, uniting the democratic parties of West Pakistan, and in the summer of 1957, the National People's Party was created, uniting the democratic parties of the Western and Eastern parts of the state.

As the economic situation worsened, the ruling circles began to resort to repressive measures. Plans were put forward to limit democracy and establish a presidential form of government. Fearing to lose power, the ruling elite delayed holding regular elections. The elections scheduled for the fall of 1958 were postponed until February 15, 1959, which further inflamed the situation in the country. On May 9, 1958, prominent Republican Party leader Khan Sahib was assassinated. On the night of October 7-8, 1958, President Iskander Mirza imposed martial law on the territory of Pakistan. The National and provincial legislative Assemblies were dissolved, the 1956 Constitution was abolished, the central and provincial governments were dissolved, and all political parties were banned. The Commander-in-Chief of the Armed forces of Pakistan (Pashtun by origin), General Muhammad Ayyub Khan, was appointed responsible for the introduction of martial law. On October 27, 1958, under pressure from senior officers of the armed forces, I. Mirza announced his decision to withdraw and transfer power to General Ayub Khan. Ayub Khan became President of Pakistan, the post of Prime Minister was abolished, and a presidential-type government was created, with ministers appointed and removed by the head of State.

During this period of crisis, the movement against the creation of a unified province of West Pakistan continued to grow in the country, which also included Pashtun areas. In May 1956, Abdul Ghaffar Khan made a proposal to create a unified progressive party in West Pakistan, the goals of which would be to transform Pakistan into a federation of autonomous provinces on a linguistic basis, protect the languages and culture of the peoples of Pakistan, and improve the welfare of the people. In the autumn of the same year, Pashtun national democratic organizations joined the National Party of Pakistan (Jabborov, 1977, p. 31). These demands, as well as the points of the National Party of Pakistan's program, provided it with massive support from the population of Pashtun areas. Now not only the lower strata of Pashtun society, but also the higher ones, who had previously supported the creation of a single province, began to advocate its disbandment [Jabborov, 1977, p.31].

Considering the first results of the military coup of 1958, it should be noted that after it there was a regrouping in the ruling bloc. A stratum of large landowners-Jagirdars and zamindars-in Punjab and Sindh ceased to exert a decisive influence on state affairs. The leading position was occupied by large entrepreneurs and medium-sized landowners, mainly from Punjab and from the NWFP, associated with entrepreneurial activities. The latter also formed the basis of the Army officer corps (Sherkovina, 1983, p. 6).

As for the policy of the Government of M. Ayyub Khan regarding the border with Afghanistan, it remained the same. Even before the coup, speaking in the National Assembly in March 1956, Foreign Minister H. H. Chowdhury said in this regard:" As far as Pakistan is concerned, the most significant achievement of SEATO is the joint confirmation by its members of our position on Kashmir and the Durand Line " [Moskalenko, 1982, p.43]. Trying to solve the "question

With the new Pakistani government, Afghan Prime Minister Muhamad Daoud ⁵ sent his brother, Foreign Minister Mohammad Naim, to Pakistan. However, there M. Naim was met with little enthusiasm. The new government has become even tougher on the issue of Pashtunistan than the old one, and M. Naim's visit was fruitless. In the spring of 1960, at a press conference, M. Daoud stated: "It is clear to everyone that the Pashtuns living in Pakistan and the Pashtuns settled in Afghanistan are one and the same people. They have a common language, a common territory, and a common culture. No one can say that this territory does not belong to the Pashtuns. This territory was occupied by the Pakistani colonialists "[Nukhovich, 1962, pp. 33-34].

The actions of the Pakistani authorities against the anti-government protests inspired by the Government of M. Da'ud were decisive. In the areas inhabited by "free" Pashtun tribes, military formations were introduced, supported by tanks and aircraft. In the spring of 1961, Pashtun villages were bombed in a number of areas. At the same time, the Afghan media launched an anti-Pakistan campaign. Thus, back in early 1955, the newspaper Is-lah wrote:: "The territories of Punjab, Sindh, and Bengal are not as valuable for establishing military bases as the territory of Pashtunistan, which they seek to turn into a military base, and the people of Pashtunistan into cannon fodder for foreign friends of the Pakistani authorities" [Islah, 09.01.1955]. The Haywad newspaper stated: "The people of Pashtunistan are fighting for the right to self-determination, and the Government of Pakistan is trying to deprive them of this right through violence and the use of military force" [Haywad, 22.09.1955]. Later, in March 1957, the Islah newspaper denounced: "Pakistan asks its Western friends, for example, the United States of America, for military assistance, and the US government responded to this by quickly sending Pakistan a large number of planes, tanks, and rifles" [Islah, 04.03.1961].

However, the Afghan press did not distort the facts in this regard. The problem of Pashtunistan went beyond bilateral relations to the international level: in the East-West confrontation, the actions of the SEATO and SENTO military blocs were directed against the positions of the USSR, with which Afghanistan maintained traditionally good-neighborly relations. It was from the airfield near Peshawar on May 1, 1960 that the Lockheed U-2 reconnaissance plane took off, which was shot down near Sverdlovsk. All this created the basis for the Soviet government to support Afghanistan's claims to Pakistan. In the early 1960s, relations between the two countries reached a high point of tension. The Pakistani Government was concentrating troops on the Durand Line. In order to stop Afghanistan's support for anti-government protests in the tribal belt of Pakistan, the Government of M. Ayub Khan announced the closure of its consulates in Jalalabad and Kandahar in August 1961. The answer was the decision of the Afghan government of M. Daoud to break off diplomatic relations with Pakistan and close the Afghan-Pakistani border.

The closure of the border with Pakistan made it necessary for Afghanistan to transit goods through the territory of the USSR, and the Soviet government provided such assistance to Afghanistan. However, Afghanistan also had an agreement with the United States to provide them with economic assistance. But it could not be carried out through the territory of the USSR, and the United States made efforts to organize the transit of its goods and equipment through the territory of Iran. In 1962, an agreement was signed between the Governments of Afghanistan and Iran on the transit of goods for Afghanistan through Iranian territory. In addition, the closure of the border disrupted the traditional seasonal migration of Afghan nomads, who went to spend the winter in Pakistan in the fall and returned to Afghanistan in the spring. In 1961, about 300,000 cattle were stranded in the border areas with their herds. nomads. The suggestion was frankly mocking

⁵ From 1953 to 1963

The Pakistani authorities will allow them to cross the border, provided they have a foreign passport and a Pakistani visa. Kabul had to take urgent measures to move this mass to warmer areas in the south and southeast of the country. The nomads themselves were dissatisfied with the governments of both countries [Korgun, 2004, p. 322].

The closure of Afghanistan's border with Pakistan resulted in an increase in trade and economic ties between Afghanistan and the USSR. Afghanistan was being drawn into the sphere of Soviet interests, which in the context of a confrontation between the two systems could not but worry the West, especially the United States. In this regard, the US government decided to step up its activities, and in October 1961, US President John F. Kennedy offered the governments of Pakistan and Afghanistan his assistance to achieve mutual understanding between them. After this proposal was accepted by both sides, the representative of the US administration L. Merchant visited the capitals of both states, but negotiations with their leaders were unsuccessful. The Afghan Government has put forward a requirement to open the border and trade missions of Afghanistan in Pakistan as prerequisites, but the Pakistani Government has not agreed to this. After that, an attempt to normalize relations between Rawalpindi ⁶ and Kabul was made by the Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. However, it was also unsuccessful, since neither side was willing to compromise.

Kabul enjoyed Moscow's support on the issue of Pashtunistan, but it did not bring him the desired results. In addition, many Afghan politicians feared increasing economic and, consequently, political dependence on the Soviet Union. They considered that the problem of Pashtunistan "overheated", so the ruling elite of Afghanistan came to a consensus on the need to work out an acceptable solution. The resumption of diplomatic ties and the opening of the border were considered as the first step towards normalization of relations. This was also understood by M. Daoud, who agreed to resign and thereby allow the new government to develop a new course towards Pakistan. In May 1963, this resignation was accepted by King Mohammad Zahir Shah [Korgun, 2004, p. 322].

The first stage of the confrontation, which began with the formation of Pakistan in 1947, ended in May 1963 with the resignation of the main person who cherished plans to create a "Free Pashtunistan" that would unite not only the Pashtun regions, but also Balochistan, in order to achieve Afghanistan's access to the Arabian Sea. Immediately after the resignation of M. Daoud, the new government of Afghanistan, headed by Muhammad Yusuf, compromised with the Government of Pakistan. In May 1963, with the mediation of the Shah of Iran, the Pakistan-Afghanistan negotiations resumed. At the insistence of the Pakistani side, the Afghan side was forced to discuss only diplomatic, consular and trade issues, without touching on the issue of Pashtunistan, and the parties easily achieved positive results. Diplomatic relations were restored, consulates were opened in both countries, and Afghanistan received the right to transit its goods through the territory of Pakistan [Korgun, 2004, p. 322].

The far-fetched "problem of Pashtunistan" and the aggressive policy of the extreme Pashtun nationalist Muhammad Daoud, expressed in support of anti-state protests in the tribal belt of Pakistan, Kabul's non-recognition of the historically formed border with this country along the Durand Line provoked tension in relations between both states and hindered the formation of optimal transit.

The following two factors, among others, served to weaken the interest of the Soviet government in the problem of relations between Afghanistan and the West's ally in military blocs, Pakistan. In the autumn of 1961, the XXII Congress of the CPSU was held in Moscow, where an ambitious party program was put forward, proclaiming the creation of the foundations of the Communist Party by 1980.-

⁶ The then capital of Pakistan.

scientific society in the USSR. The tasks associated with such a grandiose plan, space exploration, problems in industry and agriculture, and the brewing contradictions with China obscured much. At the international level, support for the Cuban Revolution came to the fore for the USSR. In the late 1950s, the Cuban civil war overthrew the regime of dictator Batista, and the government of F. de Rossi came to power. Castro, with whom the USSR had excellent relations. Opponents of the Castro regime, who had settled in the United States, landed in Cuba, but were defeated, after which the Cuban revolution was declared socialist, and Cuba - the first socialist country in America.

In connection with the restoration of diplomatic, consular and trade relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan, economic ties were further developed. In 1964, an air service was established between Kabul and Peshawar, Quetta and Kandahar. The Afghan government has allowed Pakistani passenger planes to fly to Tehran and Moscow via Kabul. Regular flights have been launched between Karachi and Kabul via Lahore and Peshawar. One Afghan trade representative office was established in each province of Pakistan, and the agreement on transit trade between Pakistan and Afghanistan was extended, which expired in April 1964.In the summer of 1964, direct telephone and telegraph communication between Pakistan and Afghanistan was put into operation. In the same year, 1964, the President of Pakistan, M. Ayub Khan, paid a working visit to Afghanistan [Moskalenko, 1982, p. 44].

The Government of Muhammad Yusuf, which came to power after the resignation of M. Daoud, announced in its policy statement published in March 1963 that it would pursue the traditional policy of neutrality for Afghanistan. At the same time, the projects of "regional federations" that are incompatible with this policy were rejected. Nevertheless, the Government of M. Yusuf did not remain indifferent to the problems generated by the colonial past and did not get their solution. These included the " Pashtunistan problem." The Government of M. Yusuf supported the efforts of those groups that insisted on finding a solution, although it stressed that it was choosing the format of negotiations for this purpose. The position of the new Afghan government was confirmed in 1964 by a special decision of the Loya Jirga, the highest legislative body [Akhrimovich, 1960, pp. 137-139].

In October 1965, at the 20th session of the UN General Assembly, this line was expressed by the head of the Afghan delegation, A. Pazhvak. It was announced in 1966 by M. Maiwandwal, the new Prime Minister of the country, in his speech to the deputies of the Loya Jirga. M. Maiwandwal paid special attention to this topic in his political program "progressive democracy". "Afghanistan's peace-loving efforts aimed at ensuring the rights and self-determination of the Pashtun brothers should be continued even more vigorously," Maiwandwal said, formulating the program's framework. "The fulfillment of the wishes of the people and leaders of Pashtunistan", in his opinion, was associated with " creating an atmosphere of understanding, trust, optimism, contributing to finding a solution to this problem, which is a legacy of colonialism "(cit. by: [Akhrimovich, 1960, p. 137-139]).

In January 1966, M. Ayub Khan paid an official visit to Afghanistan. As a result of the Pakistan-Afghanistan talks, a joint statement was issued stating the parties ' intention to strengthen relations in the spirit of mutual understanding. The Kabul press, commenting on this statement, called for the creation of conditions conducive to cooperation and friendship between the two states, while confirming the hope for "a worthy solution to the problem of Pashtunistan, which is the only cause of differences between Afghanistan and Pakistan." The press and radio of Afghanistan systematically commented on the events in the Pashtun regions of Pakistan and characterized the actions of the participants of the actions.

Representatives of various Pashtun organizations in Pakistan enjoyed the attention of the official authorities in Kabul. The Pashtunistan problem was characterized by

in government statements as " the main one in Pakistan-Afghanistan relations." In March 1967, the Kabul official gazette Heiwad called "providing all possible moral assistance to the Pashtuns of Pakistan a sacred duty of the people and government of Afghanistan" [Heiwad, 03.04.1967]. Against this background, direct contacts between the leaders of both countries continued. Thus, in February 1957, King Muhammad Zahir Shah of Afghanistan paid an unofficial visit to Pakistan [Akhrimovich, 1960, p. 94].

Relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan were strained in the first decade of Pakistan's existence. The peak of this tension occurred during the government of M. Daoud. Its causes were the Durand border and the "Pashtunistan problem". After the resignation of M. Daoud, these problems, while remaining unresolved for the new Afghan authorities, did not lead to an open confrontation. Speaking of the legacy of colonialism, the new Afghan leaders had in mind British colonialism, and did not resort to it, unlike M. Dauda, to the expression "Pakistani colonialism".

list of literature

Akhrimovich R. T. Afghanistan in 1961-1966, Moscow, 1970.

Bslokrsnitsky V. Ya., Moskalenko V. N. Istoriya Pakistanii [History of Pakistan]. XX century. Moscow, 2008.

Lslokrsnitsky V. Ya., Moskalenko V. N., Shaumyan T. JI. South Asia in World Politics, Moscow, 2005.

Gankovsky Yu. V., Gordon-Polonskaya L. R. Istoriya Pakistana [History of Pakistan], Moscow, 1961.

Jabborov T. D. North-Western border province of Pakistan.Socio-economic Essay, Moscow, 1977.

Islam. Kabul.

Korgun V. G. Istoriya Afghaniia [History of Afghanistan]. XX century. Moscow, 2004.

Korgun V. G. Russia and Afghanistan. Historical ways of forming the image of Russia in Afghanistan, Moscow, 2008.

Moskalenko V. N. Foreign Policy of Pakistan, Moscow, 1982.

Nukhovich E. S. Foreign Policy of Afghanistan, Moscow, 1962.

Havad. Kabul.

Shsrkovina R. I. Political parties and political struggle in Pakistan. 60-70 gg. Moscow, 1983.

Dr. Azmat Hayat Khan. The Durand Line. Its geo-Strategic Importance. Peshawar, 2005.

Dr. S. lftikhar Hussain. Some Major Pukhtoon Tribes Along the Pak-Afghan Border. Peshawar, 2005.

Federally Administered Areas (FATA) of Pakistan. Peshawar, 2004.

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